VOLUME 14
CHAPTER CV
Quarrel of the King of England with His
Son.--Schemes of Dubois.--
Marriage of Brissac.--His Death.--Birth
of the Young Pretender.--
Cardinalate of Dubois.--Illness of the
King.--His Convalescence.--
A Wonderful Lesson.--Prudence of the
Regent.--Insinuations against Him.
CHAPTER CVI
Projected Marriages of the King and of
the Daughter of the Duc d'Orleans_
--How It Was Communicated to Me.--I Ask
for the Embassy to Spain.--It Is
Granted to Me.--Jealousy of Dubois.--His
Petty Interference.--
Announcement of the Marriages.
CHAPTER CVII
Interview with Dubois.--His Singular
Instructions to Ale.--His Insidious
Object.--Various Tricks and
Manoeuvres.--My Departure for Spain.--Journey
by Way of Bordeaux and
Bayonne.--Reception in Spain.--Arrival at Madrid.
CHAPTER CVIII
Interview in the Hall of
Mirrors.--Preliminaries of the Marriages.--
Grimaldo.--How the Question of
Precedence Was Settled.--I Ask for an
Audience.--Splendid Illuminations.--A
Ball.--I Am Forced to Dance.
CHAPTER CIX
Mademoiselle de Montpensier Sets out for
Spain.--I Carry the News to the
King.--Set out for Lerma.--Stay at the
Escurial.--Take the Small--pox.--
Convalescence.
CHAPTER CX
Mode of Life of Their Catholic
Majesties.--Their Night.--Morning.--
Toilette.--Character of Philippe V.--And
of His Queen.--How She Governed
Him.
CHAPTER CXI
The King's Taste for
Hunting.--Preparations for a Battue.--Dull Work.--
My Plans to Obtain the
Grandesse.--Treachery of Dubois.--Friendship of
Grimaldo.--My Success.
CHAPTER CXII
Marriage of the Prince of the
Asturias.--An Ignorant Cardinal.--I Am Made
Grandee of Spain.--The Vidame de
Chartres Named Chevalier of the Golden
Fleece.--His Reception--My Adieux.--A
Belching Princess.--
Return to France.
CHAPTER CV
For a long time a species of war had
been declared between the King of
England and his son, the Prince of
Wales, which had caused much scandal;
and which had enlisted the Court on one
side, and made much stir in the
Parliament. George had more than once broken out with
indecency against
his son; he had long since driven him
from the palace, and would not see
him.
He had so cut down his income that he could scarcely subsist. The
father never could endure this son,
because he did not believe him to be
his own.
He had more than suspected the Duchess, his wife, to be in
relations with Count Konigsmarck. He surprised him one morning leaving
her chamber; threw him into a hot oven,
and shut up his wife in a chateau
for the rest of her days. The Prince of Wales, who found himself ill-
treated for a cause of which he was
personally innocent, had always borne
with impatience the presence of his
mother and the aversion of his
father.
The Princess of Wales, who had much sense, intelligence, grace,
and art, had softened things as much as
possible; and the King was unable
to refuse her his esteem, or avoid
loving her. She had conciliated all
England; and her Court, always large,
boasted of the presence of the most
accredited and the most distinguished
persons. The Prince of Wales
feeling his strength, no longer studied
his father, and blamed the
ministers with words that at least
alarmed them. They feared the credit
of the Princess of Wales; feared lest
they should be attacked by the
Parliament, which often indulges in this
pleasure. These considerations
became more and more pressing as they
discovered what was brewing against
them; plans such as would necessarily
have rebounded upon the King. They
communicated their fears to him, and
indeed tried to make it up with his
son, on certain conditions, through the
medium of the Princess of Wales,
who, on her side, felt all the
consciousness of sustaining a party
against the King, and who always had
sincerely desired peace in the royal
family.
She profited by this conjuncture; made use of the ascendency she
had over her husband, and the
reconciliation was concluded. The King
gave a large sum to the Prince of Wales,
and consented to see him. The
ministers were saved, and all appeared
forgotten.
The excess to which things had been
carried between father and son had
not only kept the entire nation
attentive to the intestine disorders
ready to arise, but had made a great
stir all over Europe; each power
tried to blow this fire into a blaze, or
to stifle it according as
interest suggested. The Archbishop of Cambrai, whom I shall
continue to
call the Abbe Dubois, was just then very
anxiously looking out for his
cardinal's hat, which he was to obtain
through the favour of England,
acting upon that of the Emperor with the
Court of Rome. Dubois,
overjoyed at the reconciliation which
had taken place, wished to show
this in a striking manner, in order to
pay his court to the King of
England.
He named, therefore, the Duc de la Force to go to England, and
compliment King George on the happy
event that had occurred.
The demonstration of joy that had been
resolved on in France was soon
known in England. George, annoyed by the stir that his domestic
squabbles had made throughout all
Europe, did not wish to see it
prolonged by the sensation that this
solemn envoy would cause. He begged
the Regent, therefore, not to send him
one. As the scheme had been
determined on only order to please him,
the journey of the Duc de la
Force was abandoned almost as soon as
declared. Dubois had the double
credit, with the King of England, of
having arranged this demonstration
of joy, and of giving it up; in both
cases solely for the purpose of
pleasing his Britannic Majesty.
Towards the end of this year, 1720, the
Duc de Brissac married Mlle.
Pecoil, a very rich heiress, whose
father was a 'maitre des requetes',
and whose mother was daughter of Le
Gendre, a very wealthy merchant of
Rouen.
The father of Mlle. Pecoil was a citizen of Lyons, a wholesale
dealer, and extremely avaricious. He had a large iron safe, or strong-
box, filled with money, in a cellar,
shut in by an iron door, with a
secret lock, and to arrive at which
other doors had to be passed through.
He disappeared so long one day, that his
wife and two or three valets or
servants that he had sought him
everywhere. They well knew that he had a
hiding-place, because they had sometimes
seen him descending into his
cellar, flat-candlestick in hand, but no
one had ever dared to follow
him.
Wondering what had become of him, they
descended to the cellar, broke
open the doors, and found at last the
iron one. They were obliged to
send for workmen to break it open, by
attacking the wall in which it was
fixed.
After much labour they entered, and found the old miser dead in
his strong-box, the secret spring of
which he had apparently not been
able to find, after having locked
himself in; a horrible end in every
respect.
The Brissacs have not been very
particular in their alliances for some
time, and yet appear no richer. The gold flies away; the dross remains.
I had almost forgotten to say that in
the last day of this year, 1720, a
Prince of Wales was born at Rome.
The Prince was immediately baptised by
the Bishop; of Montefiascone, and
named Charles. The event caused a great stir in the Holy
City. The Pope
sent his compliments to their Britannic
Majesties, and forwarded to the
King of England (the Pretender) 10,000
Roman crowns, gave him, for his
life, a country house at Albano, which
until then, he had only lent him,
and 2000 crowns to furnish it. A Te Deum was sung in the chapel of the
Pope, in his presence, and there were
rejoicings at Rome. When the Queen
of England was able to see company,
Cardinal Tanora came in state, as
representative of the Sacred College, to
congratulate her.
The birth of the Prince also made much
stir at the Court of England, and
among the priests and Jacobites of that
country. For very different
reasons, not only the Catholics and
Protestants, enemies of the
government, were ravished at it, but
nearly all the three realms showed
as much joy as they dared; not from any
attachment to the dethroned
house, but for the satisfaction of
seeing a line continue with which they
could always menace and oppose their
kings and the royal family.
In France we were afraid to show any
public feeling upon the event. We
were too much in the hands of England;
the Regent and Dubois too much the
humble servants of the house of Hanover;
Dubois especially, waiting, as
he was, so anxiously for his cardinal's
hat. He did not, as will be
seen, have to wait much longer.
The new Pope had given, in writing, a
promise to Dubois, that if elected
to the chair of St. Peter he would make
him cardinal. Time had flown,
and the promise was not yet
fulfilled. The impatience of Dubois
increased with his hopes, and gave him
no repose. He was much bewildered
when he learnt that, on the 16th of
June, 1721, the Pope had elevated to
the cardinalship; his brother, who for
ten years had been Bishop of
Terracine and Benedictine monk of Mount
Cassini. Dubois had expected
that no promotion would be made in which
he was not included. But here
was a promotion of a single person
only. He was furious; this fury did
not last long, however; a month after,
that is to say, on the 16th of
July, the Pope made him cardinal with
Dion Alexander Alboni, nephew of
the deceased Pope, and brother of the
Cardinal Camarlingue.
Dubois received the news and the
compliment that followed with extreme
joy, but managed to contain himself with
some little decency, and to give
all the honour of his nomination to M.
le Duc d'Orleans, who, sooth to
say, had had scarcely anything to do
with it. But he could not prevent
himself from saying to everybody that
what honoured him more than the
Roman purple was the unanimous eagerness
of all the European powers to
procure him this distinction; to press
the Pope to award it; to desire
that his promotion would be hastened
without waiting for their
nominations. He incessantly blew these reports about
everywhere without
ever being out of breath; but nobody was
the dupe of them.
Shortly after this, that is, on the last
day of July, the King, who had
until then been in perfect health, woke
with headache and pain in the
throat; shivering followed, and towards
afternoon, the pains in the head
and throat being augmented, he went to
bed. I repaired the next day
about twelve to inquire after him. I found he had passed a bad night,
and that within the last two hours he
had grown worse. I saw everywhere
consternation. I had the grandes entrees, therefore I went
into his
chamber.
I found it very empty. M. le Duc
d'Orleans, seated in the
chimney corner, looked exceedingly
downcast and solitary. I approached
him for a moment, then I went to the
King's bed. At this moment Boulduc,
one of the apothecaries, gave him
something to take. The Duchesse de la
Ferme, who, through the Duchesse de
Ventadour, her sister, had all the
entrees as godmother to the King, was at
the heels of Boulduc, and
turning round to see who was
approaching, saw me, and immediately said in
a tone neither high nor low, "He is
poisoned! he is poisoned!"
"Hold your tongue, Madame,"
said I. "This is terrible."
But she kept on, and spoke so loudly
that I feared the King would hear
her.
Boulduc and I looked at each other, and I immediately withdrew from
the bed and from this mad woman, with
whom I was in no way familiar.
During this illness, which lasted only
five days (but of which the first
three were violent) I was much troubled,
but at the same time I was
exceedingly glad that I had refused to
be the King's governor, though the
Regent had over and over again pressed
me to accept the office. There
were too many evil reports in
circulation against M. le Duc d'Orleans for
me to dream of filling this
position. For was I not his bosom friend
known to have been on the most intimate
terms with him ever since his
child hood--and if anything had happened
to excite new suspicions against
him, what would not have been said? The thought of this so troubled me
during the King's illness, that I used
to wake in the night with a start,
and, oh, what joy was mine when I
remembered that I had not this duty on
my head!
The malady, as I have said, was not
long, and the convalescence was
prompt, which restored tranquillity and
joy, and caused an overflow of Te
Deums and rejoicing. Helvetius had all the honour of the cure; the
doctors had lost their heads, he
preserved his, and obstinately proposed
bleeding at the foot, at a consultation
at which M. le Duc d'Orleans was
present; his advice prevailed, change
for the better immediately took
place, cure soon after.
The Marechal de Villeroy (the King's
governor) did not let slip this
occasion for showing all his venom and
his baseness; he forgot nothing,
left nothing undone in order to fix
suspicion upon M. le Duc d'Orleans,
and thus pay his court to the robe. No magistrate, however unimportant,
could come to the Tuileries whom he did
not himself go to with the news
of the King and caresses; whilst to the
first nobles he was inaccessible.
The magistrates of higher standing he
allowed to enter at all times into
the King's chamber, even to stand by his
bed in order to see him, while
they who had the 'grandes entrees' with
difficulty enjoyed a similar
privilege.
He did the same during the first days of
convalescence, which he
prolonged as much as possible, in order
to give the same distinction to
the magistrates, come at what time they
might, and privately to the great
people of the Court and the
ambassadors. He fancied himself a
tribune of
the people, and aspired to their favour
and their dangerous power. From
this he turned to other affectations
which had the same aim against M. le
Duc d'Orleans. He multiplied the Te Deums that he induced
the various
ranks of petty officers of the King to
have sung on different days and in
different churches; he attended all,
took with him as many people as he
could, and for six weeks continued this
game. A Te Deum was sung in
every church in Paris. He spoke of nothing else, and above the real
joy
he felt at the King's recovery, he put
on a false one which had a party
smell about it, and which avowed designs
not to be mistaken.
The King went in state to Notre Dame and
Saint Genevieve to thank God.
These mummeries, thus prolonged,
extended to the end of August and the
fete Saint-Louis. Each year there, is on that day a concert in
the
garden.
The Marechal de Villeroy took care that on this occasion, the
concert should become a species of fete,
to which he added a display of
fireworks. Less than this would have been enough to draw
the crowd.
It was so great that a pin could not
have fallen to the ground through
the mass of people wedged against each
other in the garden. The windows
of the Tuileries were ornamented, and
were filled with people. All the
roofs of the Carrousel, as well as the
Place, were covered with
spectators.
The Marechal de Villeroy was in; his
element, and importuned the King,
who tried to hide himself in the corners
at every moment. The Marechal
took him by the arm, and led him, now to
the windows where he could see
the Carrousel, and the houses covered
with people; now to those which
looked upon the garden, full of the
innumerable crowd waiting for the
fete.
Everybody cried 'Vive le Roi!'
when he appeared, but had not the
Marechal detained him, he would have run
away and hid himself.
"Look, my master," the
Marechal would say, "all that crowd, all these
people are yours, all belong to you; you
are the master of them: look at
them a little therefore, to please them,
for they are all yours, they are
all devoted to you."
A nice lesson this for a governor to
give to a young King, repeating it
every time he leads him to the windows,
so fearful is he lest the boy-
sovereign shall forget it! I do not know whether he received similar
lessons from those who had the charge of
his education. At last the
Marechal led him upon the terrace,
where, beneath a dais, he heard the
end of the concert, and afterwards saw
the fireworks. The lesson of the
Marechal de Villeroy, so often and so
publicly repeated, made much stir,
and threw but little honour upon
him. He himself experienced the first
effect of is fine instruction.
M. le Duc d'Orleans conducted himself in
a manner simple, so prudent,
that he infinitely gained by it. His
cares and his reasonable anxiety
were measured; there was much reserve in
his conversation, an exact and
sustained attention in his language, and
in his countenance, which
allowed nothing to escape him, and which
showed as little as possible
that he was the successor to the crown;
above all, he never gave cause
for people to believe that he thought
the King's illness more or less
serious than it was, or that his hopes
were stronger than his fears.
He could not but feel that in a
conjuncture so critical, all eyes were
fixed upon him, and as in truth he never
wished for the crown (however
unlikely the statement may seem), he had
no need to constrain himself in
any way, but simply to be measured in
his bearing. His conduct was, in
fact, much remarked, and the cabal
opposed to him entirely reduced to
silence.
Nobody spoke to him upon the event that might happen, not even
his most familiar friends and
acquaintances, myself included; and at this
he was much pleased. He acted entirely upon the suggestions of his
own
good sense.
This was not the first time, let me add,
that the Marechal de Villeroy,
in his capacity of governor of the King,
had tacitly insulted M. le Duc
d'Orleans. He always, in fact, affected, in the
discharge of his duties,
a degree of care, vigilance, and scrutiny,
the object of which was
evident.
He was particularly watchful of the food of the King, taking it
up with his own hands, and making a
great show of this precaution; as
though the King could not have been
poisoned a thousand times over in
spite of such ridiculous care. 'Twas because M. le Duc d'Orleans was
vexed with this childish behaviour, so
calculated to do him great injury,
that he wished me to supersede the
Marechal de Villeroy as governor of
the King. This, as before said, I would never consent to. As for the
Marechal, his absurdities met with their
just reward, but at a date I
have not yet come to.
CHAPTER CVI
Before this illness of the King, that is
to say, at the commencement of
June, I went one day to work with M, le
Duc d'Orleans, and found him
alone, walking up arid down the grand
apartment.
"Holloa! there," said he, as soon as he saw me;
then, taking me by the
hand, "I cannot leave you in
ignorance of a thing which I desire above
all others, which is of the utmost
importance to me, and which will cause
you as much joy as me; but you must keep
it profoundly secret." Then
bursting out laughing, "If M. de
Cambrai knew that I had told it to you,
he would never pardon me." And he proceeded to state that perfect
reconciliation had been established
between himself and the King and
Queen of Spain; that arrangements had
been made by which our young King
was to marry the Infanta of Spain, as
soon as he should be old enough;
and the Prince of the Asturias (the heir
to the Spanish throne) was to
marry Mademoiselle de Chartres, the
Regent's daughter.
If my joy at this was great, my
astonishment was even greater; M. le Duc
d'Orleans embraced me, and the first
surprise over, I asked him how he
had contrived to bring about these
marriages; above all, that of his
daughter. He replied that it had all been done in a
trice by the Abbe
Dubois, who was a regular devil when
once he had set his mind upon
anything; that the King of Spain had
been transported at the idea of the
King of France marrying the Infanta; and
that the marriage of the Prince
of the Asturias had been the 'sine qua
non' of the other.
After we had well talked over the matter
and rejoiced thereon, I said to
the Regent that the proposed marriage of
his daughter must be kept
profoundly secret until the moment of
her departure for Spain; and that
of the King also, until the time for
their execution arrived; so as to
prevent the jealousy of all Europe. At this union, so grand and so
intimate, of the two branches of the
royal family, such a union having
always been the terror of Europe and
disunion the object of all its
policy--this policy having only too well
succeeded--I urged that the
sovereigns must be left as long as
possible in the confidence they had
acquired, the Infanta above all, being
but three years old (she was born
at Madrid on the morning of the 30th of
March, 1718), by which means the
fears of Europe upon the marriage of
Mademoiselle de Chartres with the
Prince of the Asturias would be
coloured--the Prince could wait, he
having been born in August, 1707, and
being accordingly only fourteen
years of age. "You are quite right," replied M.
le Duc d'Orleans, "but
this can't be, because in Spain they
wish to make public the declarations
of marriage at once, indeed, as soon as
the demand is made and the
declaration can be signed."
"What madness!" cried I; "what end can this tocsin have
except to arouse
all Europe and put it in movement! They must be made to understand this,
and we must stick to it; nothing is so
important."
"All this is true," said M. le
Duc d'Orleans. "I think exactly
like you,
but they are obstinate in Spain; they
have wished matters to be arranged
thus, and their wishes have been agreed
to. Everything is arranged,
fixed, finished. I am so much interested in the matter that
you surely
would not have advised me to break off
for this condition."
I said of course not, shrugging my
shoulders at his unseasonable
impatience.
During the discussion which followed, I
did not forget to think of
myself, the occasion being so opportune
for making the fortunes of my
second son. I remembered then, that as matters were
advanced to this
point, a special ambassador must be sent
to Spain, to ask the hand of the
Infanta for the King, and to sign the
compact of marriage; that the
ambassador must be a nobleman of mark
and title, and thus I begged the
Duke to give me this commission, with a
recommendation to the King of
Spain, so as to make my second son, the
Marquis of Ruffec, grandee of
Spain.
M. le Duc d'Orleans scarcely allowed me
to finish, immediately accorded
me what I had asked, promised me the
recommendation with many expressions
of friendship, and asked me to keep the
whole matter secret, and make no
preparation that would disclose it.
I knew well enough why he enjoined me to
secrecy. He wished to have the
time to make Dubois swallow this
pill. My thanks expressed, I asked him
two favours; first, not to pay me as an
ambassador, but to give me a
round sum sufficient to provide for all
my expenses without ruining
myself; second, not to entrust any
business to me which might necessitate
a long stay in Spain, inasmuch as I did
not wish to quit him, and wanted
to go to Spain simply for the purpose of
obtaining the honour above
alluded to for my second son. The fact is, I feared that Dubois, not
being able to hinder my embassy, might
keep me in Spain in a sort of
exile, under pretence of business, in
order to get rid of me altogether.
Events proved that my precaution was not
altogether useless.
M. le Duc d'Orleans accorded both the
favours I asked, with many obliging
remarks, and a hope that my absence
would not be long. I thought I had
then done great things for my family,
and went home much pleased. But,
mon Dieu! what are the projects and the successes of
men!
Dubois, as I expected, was vexed beyond
measure at my embassy, and
resolved to ruin me and throw me into
disgrace. I was prepared for this,
and I soon saw it was so. At first, I received from him nothing but
professions of friendship and of
attachment for me, congratulations that
M. le Duc d'Orleans had accorded to me
an embassy my merit deserved, and
which would be productive of such useful
results for my children. He
took care, however, in the midst of
these fine phrases, to introduce not
one word upon my arrangements, so that
he might be able to drive me into
a corner at the last moment, and cause
me all the inconvenience possible.
He slipped through my hands like an eel
until the moment for my departure
drew near. As he saw it approach, he began to preach to me
of
magnificence, and wished to enter into
details respecting my suite. I
described it to him, and everybody else
would have been satisfied, but as
his design was to ruin me, he cried out
against it, and augmented it by a
third.
I represented to him the excessive expense this augmentation
would cause, the state of the finances,
the loss upon the exchange: his
sole reply was that the dignity of the
King necessitated this expense and
show; and that his Majesty would bear
the charge. I spoke to M. le Duc
d'Orleans, who listened to me with
attention, but being persuaded by the
Cardinal, held the same language.
This point settled, the Cardinal must
needs know how many coats I should
take, and how many I should give to my
sons.--in a word, there was not a
single detail of table or stable that he
did not enter into, and that he
did not double. My friends exhorted me not to be obstinate
with a man so
impetuous, so dangerous, so completely
in possession of M. le Duc
d'Orleans, pointing out to me that when
once I was away he might profit
by my absence, and that, meanwhile,
everything relating to my embassy
must pass through his hands. All this was only too true. I was obliged,
therefore, to yield, although I felt
that, once embarked, the King's
purse would be spared at the expense of
mine.
As soon as the marriages were declared,
I asked to be declared as
ambassador, so that I might openly make
my preparations, which, it will
be remembered, I had been forbidden to
do. Now that there was no secret
about the marriage, I fancied there need
be no secret as to the
ambassador by whom they were to be
conducted. I was deceived: Whatever I
might allege, the prohibition
remained. The Cardinal wished to put me
to
double the necessary expense, by
compelling me to have my liveries,
dresses, etc., made in the utmost
precipitation; and this happened. He
thought, too, I should not be able to
provide myself with everything in
time; and that he might represent this
to M. le Duc d'Orleans, and in
Spain, as a fault, and excite envious
cries against me.
Nevertheless, I did not choose to press
him: to announce my embassy, at
the same time trying to obtain from him
the instructions I was to
receive, and which, passing through him
and the Regent done, told nothing
to the public, as my preparations would
have done. But I could not
obtain them. Dubois carelessly replied to me, that in one
or two
conversations the matter would be
exhausted. He wished me to know
nothing, except vaguely; to leave no
time for reflection, for questions,
for explanations; and to throw me thus
into embarrassments, and to cause
me to commit blunders which he intended
to make the most of.
At last, tired of so many and such
dangerous postponements, I went on
Tuesday, the 23rd of September, to M. le
Duc d'Orleans, arranging my
visit so that it took place when he was
in his apartments at the
Tuileries; there I spoke with such
effect, that he said I had only to
show myself to the King. He led me to his Majesty at once, and there
and
then my embassy was announced. Upon leaving the King's cabinet, M. le
Duc d'Orleans made me jump into his
coach, which was waiting for him, and
took me to the Palais Royal, where we
began to speak seriously upon the
affairs of my embassy.
I fancy that Cardinal Dubois was much
annoyed at what had been done, and
that he would have liked to postpone the
declaration yet a little longer.
But this now was impossible. The next day people were sent to work upon
my equipments, the Cardinal showing as
much eagerness and impatience
respecting them, as he had before shown
apathy and indifference. He
urged on the workmen; must needs see
each livery and each coat as it was
finished; increased the magnificence of
each; and had all my coats and
those of my children sent to him. At last, the hurry to make me set out
was so great, that such of the things as
were ready he sent on by rapid
conveyance to Bayonne, at a cost by no
means trifling to me.
The Cardinal next examined the list of
persons I intended to have with
me, and approved it. To my extreme surprise he said, however, that
I
must add forty officers of cavalry and
infantry, from the regiments of my
sons.
I cried out against the madness and the expense of such a numerous
military accompaniment. I represented that it was not usual for
ambassadors, with a peaceful mission, to
take with them such an imposing
force by way of escort; I showed that
these officers, being necessarily
gay men, might be led away into
indiscreet gallantries, which would give
me more trouble than all the business of
my embassy. Nothing could be
more evident, true, and reasonable than
my representations, nothing more
useless or worse received.
The Cardinal had resolved to ruin me,
and to leave me in Spain with all
the embarrassment, business, and
annoyances he could. He rightly thought
that nothing was more likely to make him
succeed than to charge me with
forty officers. Not finding them, I took only twenty-nine,
and if the
Cardinal succeeded as far as concerned
my purse, I was so fortunate, and
these gentlemen were so discreet, that
he succeeded in no other way.
Let me add here, before I give the
details of my journey to Spain, in
what manner the announcement of these
two marriages was received by the
King and the public.
His Majesty was by no means gratified
when he heard that a wife had been
provided for him. At the first mention of marriage he burst out
crying.
The Regent, M. le Duc, and M. de Frejus,
had all the trouble in the world
to extract a "yes" from him,
and to induce him to attend the Regency
Council, in which it was necessary that
he should announce his consent to
the proposed union, or be present while
it was announced for him. The
council was held, and the King came to
it, his eyes swollen and red, and
his look very serious.
Some moments of silence passed, during
which M. le Duc d'Orleans threw
his eyes over all the company (who
appeared deeply expectant), and then
fixed them on the King, and asked if he
might announce to the council the
marriage of his Majesty. The King replied by a dry "yes,"
and in a
rather low tone, but which was heard by
the four or five people on each
side of him, and the Regent immediately
announced the marriage. Then,
after taking the opinions of the
council, which were for the most part
favorable, he turned towards the King with
a smiling air, as though
inviting him to assume the same, and
said, "There, then, Sire, your
marriage is approved and passed, and a
grand and fortunate matter
finished." The council then broke up.
The news of what had taken place
immediately ran over all Paris. The
Tuileries and the Palais Royal were soon
filled with people who came to
present themselves before the King to
compliment him and the Regent on
the conclusion of this grand marriage,
and the crowd continued the
following days. The King had much difficulty in assuming some
little
gaiety the first day, but on the morrow
he was less sombre, and by
degrees he quite recovered himself.
M. le Duc d'Orleans took care not to
announce the marriage of his
daughter with the Prince of the Asturias
at the same time that the other
marriage was announced. He declared it, however, the next day, and
the
news was received with the utmost
internal vexation by the cabal opposed
to him.
Men, women, people of all conditions who belonged to that cabal,
lost all countenance. It was a pleasure to me, I admit, to look
upon
them.
They were utterly disconcerted.
Nevertheless, after the first few
days of overthrow, they regained
courage, and set to work in order to
break off both the marriages.
CHAPTER CVII
I have already said that Dubois looked
most unfavourably upon my embassy
to Spain, and that I saw he was
determined to do all in his power to
throw obstacles in its way. I had fresh proofs of this. First, before
my departure: when he gave me my written
instructions, he told me that in
Spain I must take precedence of
everybody during the signing of the
King's contract of marriage, and at the
chapel, at the two ceremonies of
the marriage of the Prince of the
Asturias, allowing no one to be before
me!
I represented to him that the Pope's
nuncio would be present, and that to
him the ambassadors of France gave place
everywhere, and even the
ambassadors of the Emperor also, who,
without opposition, preceded those
of the King. He replied that that was true, except in
special cases like
the present, and that his instructions
must be obeyed: My surprise was
great at so strange an order. I tried to move him by appealing to his
pride; asking him how I should manage
with a cardinal, if one happened to
be present, and with the
majordomo-major, who corresponds, but in a very
superior degree, with our grand master
of France. He flew in a rage, and
declared that I must precede the
majordomo-major also; that there would
be no difficulty in doing so; and that,
as to the cardinals, I should
find none. I shrugged my shoulders, and begged him to
think of the
matter.
Instead of replying, to me, he said he had forgotten to acquaint
me with a most essential particular: it
was, that I must take care not to
visit anybody until I had been first
visited.
I replied that the visiting question had
not been forgotten in my
instructions, and that those
instructions were to the effect that I
should act in this respect as the Duc de
Saint-Aignan had acted, and that
the usage he had followed was to pay the
first visit to the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and to the Councillors
of State (when there were any),
who are the same as are known here under
the name of ministers.
Thereupon he broke out afresh, prated,
talked about the dignity of the
King, and did not allow me the
opportunity of saying another word. I
abridged my visit, therefore, and went
away.
However strange might appear to me these
verbal orders of such a new
kind, I thought it best to speak to the
Duc de Saint-Aignan and Amelot on
the subject, so as to convince myself of
their novelty. Both these
ambassadors, as well as those who had
preceded them, had visited in an
exactly opposite manner; and they
thought it extravagant that I should
precede the nuncio, no matter
where. Amelot told me, moreover, that I
should suffer all sorts of annoyances,
and succeed in nothing, if I
refused the first visit to the Minister
of Foreign Affairs; that as for
the Councillors of State, they existed
only in name, the office having
fallen into desuetude; and that I must
pay other visits to certain
officers he named (three in number), who
would be justly offended and
piqued if I refused them what every one
who had preceded me had rendered
them.
He added that I had better take good care to do so, unless I
wished to remain alone in my house, and
have the cold shoulder turned
upon me by every principal person of the
Court.
By this explanation of Amelot I easily
comprehended the reason of these
singular verbal orders. The Cardinal wished to secure my failure in
Spain, and my disgrace in France: in
Spain by making me offend at the
outset all the greatest people and the
minister through whose hands all
my business would pass; draw upon myself
thus complaints here, which, as
I had no written orders to justify my
conduct, he (Dubois) would
completely admit the justice of, and
then disavow me, declaring he had
given me exactly opposite orders. If I did not execute what he had told
me, I felt that he would accuse me of
sacrificing the King's honour and
the dignity of the Crown, in order to
please in Spain, and obtain thus
honours for myself and my sons, and that
he would prohibit the latter to.
accept them. There would have been less uproar respecting
the nuncio;
but if I preceded him, Dubois felt
persuaded that the Court of Rome would
demand justice; and this justice in his
hands would have been a shameful
recall.
My position appeared so difficult, that
I resolved to leave nothing
undone in order to change it. I thought M. le Duc d'Orleans would not
resist the evidence I should bring
forward, in order to show the
extraordinary nature of Dubois' verbal
instructions: I deceived myself.
It was in vain that I spoke to M. le Duc
d'Orleans. I found nothing but
feebleness under the yoke of a master;
by which I judged how much I could
hope for during my absence. Several times I argued with him and the
Cardinal; but in vain. They both declared that if preceding
ambassadors
had paid the first visits, that was no
example for me, in an embassy so
solemn and distinguished as that I was
about to execute. I represented
that, however solemn and however
distinguished might be my embassy, it
gave me no rank superior to that of
extraordinary ambassadors, and that I
could claim none. Useless!
useless! To my arguments there was
no
reply, but obstinacy prevailed; and I
clearly saw the extreme malignity
of the valet, and the unspeakable
weakness of the master. It was for me
to manage as I could.
The Cardinal now began ardently to press
my departure; and, in fact,
there was no more time to lose. He unceasingly hurried on the workmen
who were making all that I
required,--vexed, perhaps, that being in such
prodigious number, he could not augment
them. There was nothing more for
him to do but to give me the letters
with which I was to be charged. He
delayed writing them until the last
moment previous to my departure, that
is to say; the very evening before I
started; the reason will soon be
seen.
The letters were for their Catholic Majesties, for the Queen
Dowager at Bayonne, and for the Prince
of the Asturias; letters from the
King and from the Duc d'Orleans. But before giving them to me, the
Regent said he would write two letters
to the Prince of the Asturias,
both alike, except in this respect, that
in the one he would address the
Prince as "nephew," and in the
other as "brother and nephew," and that I
was to try and deliver the latter, which
he passionately wished; but that
if I found too much difficulty in doing
so, I must not persevere but
deliver the former instead.
I had reason to believe that here was
another plot of Dubois, to cause me
trouble by embroiling me with M. le Duc
d'Orleans. The Regent was the
last man in the world to care for these
formalities. The Prince of the
Asturias was son of the King and heir to
the Crown, and, in consequence,
of the rank of a son of France. In whatever way regarded, M. le Duc
d'Orleans was extremely inferior in rank
to him; and it was something new
and adventurous to treat him on terms of
equality. This, however, is
what I was charged with, and I believe,
in the firm hope of Cardinal
Dubois that I should fail, and that he
might profit by my failure.
Finally, on the morning of the day
before my departure, all the papers
with which I was to be charged were
brought to me. I will not give the
list of them. But among these letters there was none from
the King to
the Infanta! I thought they had forgotten to put it with
the others.
I said so to the persons who brought
them to me. What was my surprise
when they told me that the letter was
not written, but that I would have
it in the course of the day.
This appeared so strange to me, that my
mind was filled with suspicion.
I spoke of the letter to the Cardinal
and to M. le Duc d'Orleans, who
assured me that I should have it in the
evening. At midnight it had not
arrived.
I wrote to the Cardinal. Finally
I set out without it. He
wrote to me, saying I should receive it
before arriving at Bayonne; but
nothing less. I wrote him anew. He replied to me, saying that I should
have it before I arrived at Madrid. A letter from the King to the
Infanta was not difficult to write; I
could not doubt, therefore, that
there was some design in this
delay. Whatever it might be, I could not
understand it, unless the intention was
to send the letter afterwards,
and make me pass for a heedless fellow
who had lost the first.
Dubois served me another most impudent
turn, seven or eight days before
my departure. He sent word to me, by his two devoted
slaves, Le Blanc
and Belleisle, that as he had the foreign
affairs under his charge, he
must have the post, which he would not
and could not any longer do
without; that he knew I was the intimate
friend of Torcy (who had the
post in his department), whose
resignation he desired; that he begged me
to write to Torcy, and send my letter to
him by an express courier to
Sable (where he had gone on an
excursion); that he should see by my
conduct on this occasion, and its
success, in what manner he could count
upon me, and that he should act towards
me accordingly. To this his two
slaves added all they could to persuade
me to comply, assuring me that
Dubois would break off my embassy if I
did not do as he wished. I did
not for a moment doubt, after what I had
seen of the inconceivable
feebleness of M. le Duc d'Orleans, that
Dubois was really capable of thus
affronting and thwarting me, or that I
should have no aid from the
Regent.
At the same time I resolved to run all hazards rather than lend
myself to an act of violence against a
friend, so sure; so sage, and so
virtuous, and who had served the state
with such reputation, and deserved
so well of it.
I replied therefore to these gentlemen
that I thought the commission very
strange, and much more so their
reasoning of it; that Torcy was not a man
from whom an office of this importance
could be taken unless he wished to
give it up; that all I could do was to
ask him if he wished to resign,
and if so, on what conditions; that as
to exhorting him to resign, I
could do nothing of the kind, although I
was not ignorant of what this
refusal might cost me and my
embassy. They tried in vain to reason
with
me; all they could obtain was this firm
resolution.
Castries and his brother, the
Archbishop, were intimate friends of Torcy
and of myself. I sent for them to come to me in the midst of
the tumult
of my departure. They immediately came, and I related to them
what had
just happened. They were more indignant at the manner and
the moment,
than at the thing itself; for Torcy knew
that sooner or later the
Cardinal would strip him of the post for
his own benefit. They extremely
praised my reply, exhorted me to send
word to Torcy, who was on the point
of departing from Sable, or had
departed, and who would make his own
terms with M. le Duc d'Orleans much more
advantageously, present, than
absent.
I read to them the letter I had written to Torcy, while waiting
for them, which they much approved, and
which I at once despatched.
Torcy of himself, had hastened his
return. My courier found him with his
wife in the Parc of Versailles, having
passed by the Chartres route. He
read my letter, charged the courier with
many compliments for me (his
wife did likewise), and told me to say
he would see me the next day. I
informed M. Castries of his
arrival. We all four met the next day.
Torcy warmly appreciated my conduct,
and, to his death, we lived on terms
of the greatest intimacy, as may be
imagined when I say that he committed
to me his memoirs (these he did not
write until long after the death of
M. le Duc d'Orleans), with which I have
connected mine. He did not seem
to care for the post, if assured of an
honourable pension.
I announced then his return to Dubois,
saying it would be for him and M.
le Duc d'Orleans to make their own terms
with him, and get out of the.
matter in this way. Dubois, content at seeing by this that Torcy
consented to resign the post, cared not
how, so that the latter made his
own arrangements, and all passed off
with the best grace on both sides.
Torcy had some money and 60,000 livres
pension during life, and 20,000
for his wife after him. This was arranged before my departure and was
very well carried out afterwards.
A little while after the declaration of
the marriage, the Duchesse de
Ventadour and Madame de Soubise, her
granddaughter, had been named, the
one governess of the Infanta, the other
successor to the office; and they
were both to go and meet her at the
frontier, and bring her to Paris to
the Louvre, where she was to be lodged a
little while after the
declaration of my embassy: the Prince de
Rohan, her son-in-law, had
orders to go and make the exchange of
the Princesses upon the frontier,
with the people sent by the King of
Spain to perform the same function.
I had never had any intimacy with them,
though we were not on bad terms.
But these Spanish commissions caused us
to visit each other with proper
politeness. I forgot to say so earlier and in the proper
place.
At last, viz., on the 23rd of October,
1721, I set out, having with me
the Comte de Lorge, my children, the
Abbe de Saint-Simon, and his
brother, and many others. The rest of the company joined me at Blaye.
We slept at Orleans, at Montrichard; and
at Poictiers. On arriving at
Conte my berline broke down. This caused a delay of three hours, and I
did not arrive at Ruffec until nearly midnight. Many noblemen of the
neighbourhood were waiting for me there,
and I entertained them at dinner
and supper during the two days I
stayed. I experienced real pleasure in
embracing Puy-Robert, who was
lieutenant-colonel of the Royal Roussillon
Regiment when I was captain.
From Ruffec I went in two days to La
Cassine, a small house at four
leagues from Blaye, which my father had
built on the borders of his
marshes of Blaye, and which I felt much
pleasure in visiting; I stopped
there during All Saints' Day and the
evening before, and the next day I
early betook myself to Blaye again,
where I sojourned two days. I found
several persons of quality there, many
of the nobility of the country and
of the adjoining provinces, and Boucher,
Intendant of Bordeaux, brother-
in-law of Le Blanc, who was waiting for
me, and whom I entertained with
good cheer morning and evening during
this short stay.
We crossed to Bordeaux in the midst of
such bad weather that everybody
pressed me to delay the trip; but I had
so few, days at my command that I
did not accede to their
representations. Boucher had brought his
brigantine magnificently equipped, and
boats enough to carry over all my
company, most of whom went with us. The view of the port and the town of
Bordeaux surprised me, with more than
three hundred ships of all nations
ranged in two lines upon my passage,
decked out in all their finery, and
with a great noise from their cannons
and those of the Chateau Trompette.
Bordeaux is too well known to need
description at my hands: I will simply
say that after Constantinople it
presents the finest view of any other
port.
Upon landing we received many compliments, and found many
carriages, which conducted us to the
Intendant's house, where the Jurats
came to compliment me in state
dress. I invited them to supper with.
me, a politeness they did not expect,
and which they appeared to highly
appreciate. I insisted upon going to see the Hotel de
Ville, which is
amazingly ugly, saying to the Jurats
that it was not to satisfy my
curiosity, but in order to pay a visit
to them, that I went. This
extremely pleased.
After thanking M. and Madame Boucher for
their attention, we set out
again, traversed the great Landes, and
reached in due time Bayonne. The
day after my arrival there, I had an
audience with the Queen Dowager of
Spain.
I was astonished upon arriving at her house. It had only two
windows in front, looked upon a little
court, and had but trifling depth.
The room I entered was very plainly
furnished. I found the Queen, who
was waiting for me, accompanied by the
Duchesse de Linorez and very few
other persons. I complimented her in the name of the King,
and presented
to her his letter. Nothing could be more polite than her bearing
towards
me.
Passing the Pyrenees, I quitted with
France, rain and bad weather, and
found a clear sky, a charming
temperature, with views and perspectives
which changed at each moment, and which
were not less charming. We were
all mounted upon mules, the pace of
which is good but easy. I turned a
little out of my way to visit Loyola,
famous by the birth of Saint
Ignatius, and situated all alone in a
narrow valley. We found there four
or five Jesuits, very polite and
instructed, who took care of the
prodigious building erected there for
more than a hundred Jesuits and
numberless scholars. A church was there nearly finished, of
rotunda
shape, of a grandeur and size which
surprised me. Gold, painting,
sculpture, the richest ornaments of all
kinds, are distributed everywhere
with prodigality but taste. The architecture is correct and admirable,
the marble is most exquisite; jasper,
porphyry, lapis, polished,
wreathed, and fluted columns, with their
capitals and their ornaments of
gilded bronze, a row of balconies
between each altar with little steps of
marble to ascend them, and the cage
encrusted; the altars and that which
accompanied them admirable. In a word, the church was one of the most
superb edifices in Europe, the best kept
up, and the most magnificently
adorned.
We took there the best chocolate I ever tasted, and, after some
hours of curiosity and admiration, we
regained our road.
On the 15th, we arrived at Vittoria,
where I found a deputation of the
province, whom I invited to supper, and
the next day to breakfast. They
spoke French and I was surprised to see
Spaniards so gay and such good
company at table. Joy on account of my journey burst out in
every place
through which I passed in France and
Spain, and obtained for me a good
reception. At Salinas, among other towns which I passed
through without
stopping, ladies, who, to judge by their
houses and by themselves,
appeared to me to be quality folks,
asked me with such good grace to let
them see the man who was bringing
happiness to Spain, that I thought it
would only be proper gallantry to enter
their dwellings. They appeared
ravished, and I had all the trouble in
the world to get rid of them, and
to continue my road.
I arrived on the 18th at Burgos, where I
meant to stay at least one day,
to see what turn would take a rather strong
fever which had seized my
eldest son; but I was so pressed to
hasten on that I was obliged to leave
my son behind with nearly all his
attendants.
I left Burgos therefore on the
19th. We found but few relays, and those
ill-established. We travelled night and day without going to
bed, until
we reached Madrid, using such vehicles
as we could obtain. I performed
the last twelve leagues on a posthorse,
which cost twice as much as in
France.
In this manner we arrived in Madrid on Friday, the 21st, at
eleven o'clock at night.
We found at the entrance of the town
(which has neither gates nor walls,
neither barriers nor faubourgs,) people
on guard, who asked us who we
were, and whence we came. They had been placed there expressly so as to
know the moment of my arrival. As I was much fatigued by travelling
incessantly from Burgos without
stopping, I replied that we were the
people of the Ambassador of France, who
would arrive the next day.
I learnt afterwards, that the minister
had calculated that I could not
reach Madrid before the 22d.
CHAPTER CVIII
Early the next morning I received a
visit from Grimaldo, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, who, overjoyed at my
arrival, had announced it to their
Catholic Majesties before coming to
me. Upon his example, apparently,
the three other ministers, whom,
according to usage, I ought to have
visited first, came also; so that one
infamous difficulty which Cardinal
Dubois had placed in my path was happily
overcome without effort on my
part.
Grimaldo at once conducted me to the
palace, and introduced me to the
King.
I made a profound reverence to him; he testified to me his joy at
my arrival, and asked me for news of the
King, of M. le Duc d'Orleans, of
my journey, and of my eldest son, whom,
as he knew, I had left behind at
Burgos.
He then entered alone into the Cabinet of the Mirrors. I was
instantly surrounded by all the Court
with compliments and indications of
joy at the marriages and union of the
crowns. Nearly all the seigneurs
spoke French, and I had great difficulty
in replying to their numberless
compliments.
A half quarter of an hour after the King
had entered his cabinet, he sent
for me.
I entered alone into the Hall of Mirrors, which is very vast,
but much less wide than long. The King, with the Queen on his left, was
nearly at the bottom of the salon, both
their Majesties standing and
touching each other. I approached with three profound reverences,
and I
will remark, once for all, that the King
never covers himself except at
public audiences, and when he goes to
and comes from his mass. The
audience lasted half an hour, and was
principally occupied, on the part
of the King and Queen, with compliments
and expressions of joy at the
marriages that were to take place. At its close, the Queen asked me if I
would like to see the children, and
conducted me to them.
I never saw prettier boys than Don
Carlos and Don Ferdinand, nor a
prettier babe than Don Philip. The King and Queen took pleasure in
making me look at them, and in making
them turn and walk before me with
very good grace. Their Majesties entered afterwards into the
Infanta's
chamber, where I tried to exhibit as
much gallantry as possible. In
fact, the Infanta was charming-like a
little woman--and not at all
embarrassed. The Queen said to me that she already had
begun to learn
French, and the King that she would soon
forget Spain.
"Oh!" cried the Queen,
"not only Spain, but the King and me, so as to
attach herself to the King, her husband,
alone." Upon this I tried not
to remain dumb, and to say what was
appropriate. Their Majesties
dismissed me with much goodness, and I
was again encircled by the crowd
with many compliments.
A few moments after the King recalled
me, in order to see the Prince of
the Asturias, who was with their
Majesties in the same Hall of Mirrors.
I found him tall, and really made to be
painted; fine light-brown hair,
light fresh-coloured complexion, long
face, but agreeable; good eyes, but
too near the nose. I found in him also much grace and
politeness. He
particularly asked after the King, M. le
Duc d'Orleans, and Mademoiselle
de Montpensier, to whom he was to be
betrothed.
Their Catholic Majesties testified much
satisfaction to me at the
diligence I had used; said that a single
day would be sufficient for the
ceremonies that had to be gone through
(demanding the hand of the
Infanta, according it, and signing the
marriage contract). Afterwards
they asked me when all would be
ready. I replied it would be any day
they pleased; because, as they wished to
go into the country, I thought
it would be best to throw no delay in
their path. They appeared much
pleased at this reply, but would not fix
the day, upon which I proposed
the following Tuesday. Overjoyed at this promptness, they fixed the
Thursday for their departure, and left
me with the best possible grace.
I had got over one difficulty, as I have
shown, that connected with the
first visits, but I had others yet to
grapple with. And first, there was
my embarrassment at finding no letter
for the Infanta. I confided this
fact to Grimaldo, who burst out
laughing, was to have my first audience
with the Infanta the next day, and it
was then that the letter ought to
be produced. Grimaldo said he would arrange so that when
I--went, the
governess should come into the antechamber,
and say that the Infanta was
asleep, and upon offering to awake her,
I should refuse to allow her,
take my leave, and wait until the letter
from the King arrived before I
visited her again. Everything happened just as it had been
planned, and
thus the second obstacle which the
crafty and malicious Cardinal had put
in my path, for the sake of overturning
me, was quietly got over.
Grimaldo's kindness encouraged me to
open my heart under its influence.
I found that the Spanish minister knew,
quite as, well as I did, what
manner of person Dubois was.
On Sunday, the 23rd, I had in the
morning my first private audience of
the King and Queen, together, in the
Hall of Mirrors, which is the place
where they usually give it. I was accompanied by Maulevrier, our
ambassador. I presented to their Catholic Majesties the
Comte de Lorge,
the Comte de Cereste, my second son, and
the Abbe de Saint-Simon and his
bother.
I received many marks of goodness from the Queen in this
audience.
On Tuesday, the 25th of November, I had
my solemn audience. I went to
the palace in a magnificent coach,
belonging to the King, drawn by eight
grey horses, admirably dappled. There were no postillions, and the
coachman drove me, his hat under his
arm. Five of my coaches filled with
my suite followed, and about twenty
others (belonging to noblemen of the
Court, and sent by them in order to do
me honour), with gentlemen in
each.
The King's coach was surrounded by my musicians, liveried servants
on foot, and by officers of my household. On arriving at the open place
in front of the palace, I thought myself
at the Tuileries. The regiments
of Spanish guards, clad, officers and
soldiers, like the French guards,
and the regiment of the Walloon guards,
clad, officers and, soldiers,
like the Swiss guards, were under arms;
the flags waved, the drums beat,
and the officers saluted with the
half-pike. On the way, the streets
were filled with people, the shops with
dealers and artisans, all the
windows were crowded. Joy showed itself on every face, and we heard
nothing but benedictions.
The audience passed off admirably. I asked the hand of the Infanta in
marriage on the part of the King; my
request was graciously complied
with, compliments passed on both sides,
and I returned to my house, well
pleased with the reception I had met
with from both their Catholic
Majesties.
There was still the marriage contract to
be signed, and this was to take
place in the afternoon. Here was to be my great trial, for the
majordomo-major and the nuncio of the
Pope were to be present at the
ceremony, and, according to the infamous
and extraordinary instructions
I had received from Dubois, I was to
precede them! How was this to be
done?
I had to bring all my ingenuity to bear upon the subject in order
to determine. In the embarrassment I felt upon this
position, I was
careful to affect the most marked
attention to the nuncio and the
majordomo-major every time I met them
and visited them; so as to take
from them all idea that I wished to
precede them, when I should in
reality do so.
The place the majordomo-major was to
occupy at this ceremony was behind
the King's armchair, a little to the
right, so as to allow room for the
captain of the guards on duty; to put
myself there would be to take his
place, and push the captain of the
guards away, and those near him. The
place of the nuncio was at the side of
the King, his face to the
armchair; to take it would have been to
push him beyond the arm of the
chair, which assuredly he would no more
have submitted to than the
majordomo-major on the other side. I resolved, therefore, to hazard a
middle term; to try and introduce myself
at the top of the right arm of
the chair, a little sideways, so as to
take the place of neither,
entirely; but, nevertheless, to drive
them out, and to cover this with an
air of ignorance and of simplicity; and,
at the same time, of eagerness,
of joy, of curiosity, of courtier-like
desire to speak to the King as
much as possible: and all this I exactly
executed, in appearance
stupidly, and in reality very
successfully!
When the time for the audience arrived,
I took up my position,
accordingly, in the manner I have
indicated. The majordomo-major and the
nuncio entered, and finding me thus
placed, and speaking to the King,
appeared much surprised. I heard Signor and Sefor repeated right and
left of me, and addressed to me--for
both expressed themselves with
difficulty in French--and I replied with
bows to one and to the other
with the smiling air of a man entirely
absorbed in joy at his functions,
and who understands nothing of what is
meant; then I recommenced my
conversation with the King, with a sort
of liberty and enthusiasm, so
that the nuncio and majordomo-major:
soon grew tired of appealing to a
man whose spirit was so transported that
he no longer knew where he was,
or what was said to him. In this manner I defeated the craft, cunning,
and maliciousness of Dubois. At the conclusion of the ceremony, I
accompanied the King and Queen to the
door of the Hall of Mirrors, taking
good care then to show every deference
to the majordomo-major and the
nuncio, and yielding place to them, in
order to remove any impression
from their minds that I had just acted
in a contrary manner from design.
As soon as their Catholic Majesties had
departed, and the door of the
salon was closed upon them, I was
encircled and, so to speak, almost
stifled by the company present, who, one
after the other, pressed upon me
with the greatest demonstrations of joy
and a thousand compliments.
I returned home after the ceremony,
which had lasted a long time. While
I occupied my stolen position I was
obliged, in order to maintain it, to
keep up an incessant conversation with
the King, and at last, no longer
knowing what to talk about, I asked him
for an audience the next day,
which he readily accorded me. But this direct request was contrary to
the usage of the Court, where the
ambassadors, the other foreign
ministers, and the subjects of the
country of, whatever rank, address
their requests to an officer who is
appointed to receive them, who
communicates with the King, and names
the day and the hour when his
Majesty will grant the interview.
Grimaldo, a little after the end of
ceremony, had gone to work with the
King and Queen, as was customary.--I was
surprised, an hour after
returning home, to receive a letter from
this minister, asking me if I
had anything to say to the King I did
not wish the Queen to hear,
referring to the audience I had asked of
the King for the morrow, and
begging me to tell him what it was for. I replied to him instantly, that
having found the opportunity good I had
asked for this audience; but if I
had not mentioned the Queen, it was
because I had imagined she was so
accustomed to be present that there was
no necessity to allude to her:
but as to the rest, I had my thanks to
offer to the King upon what had
just passed, and nothing to say to him
that I should not wish to say to
the Queen, and that I should be very
sorry if she were not present.
As I was writing this reply, Don Gaspard
Giron invited me to go and see
the illuminations of the Place
Mayor. I quickly finished my letter; we
jumped into a coach, and the principal
people of my suite jumped into
others.
We were conducted by detours to avoid the light of the
illuminations in approaching them, and
we arrived at a fine house which
looks upon the middle of the Place, and
which is that where the King and
Queen go to see the fetes that take
place. We perceived no light in
descending or in ascending the
staircase. Everything had been closed,
but on entering into the chamber which
looks upon the Place, we were
dazzled, and immediately we entered the
balcony speech failed me, from
surprise, for more than seven or eight
minutes.
This Place is superficially much vaster
than any I had ever seen in Paris
or elsewhere, and of greater length than
breadth. The five stories of
the houses which surround it are all of
the same level; each has windows
at equal distance, and of equal size,
with balconies as deep as they are
long, guarded by iron balustrades,
exactly alike in every case. Upon
each of these balconies two torches of
white wax were placed, one at each
end of the balcony, supported upon the
balustrade, slightly leaning
outwards, and attached to nothing. The light that this--gives is
incredible; it has a splendour and a
majesty about it that astonish you
and impress you. The smallest type can be read in the middle
of the
Place, and all about, though the
ground-floor is not illuminated.
As soon as I appeared upon the balcony,
all the people beneath gathered
round and began to cry, Senor! tauro!
tauro! The people were asking me
to obtain for them a bull-fight, which
is what they like best in the
world, and what the King had not
permitted for several years from
conscientious principles. Therefore I contented myself the next day
with
simply telling him of these cries,
without asking any questions thereon,
while expressing to him my astonishment
at an illumination so surprising
and so admirable.
Don Gaspard Giron and the Spaniards who
were with me in the house from
which I saw the illumination, charmed
with the astonishment I had
displayed at this spectacle, published
it abroad with all the more
pleasure because they were not
accustomed to the admiration of the
French, and many noblemen spoke of it to
me with great pleasure.
Scarcely had I time to return home and
sup after this fine illumination
than I was obliged to go to the palace
for the ball that the King had
prepared there, and which lasted until
past two in the morning.
The salon was very vast and
splendid;'the dresses of the company were
sumptuous; the appearance of our finest
fancy-dress balls did not
approach the appearance of this.
What seemed strange to me was to see
three bishops in lawn sleeves and
cloaks in the ball-room, remaining, too,
all the evening, and to see the
accoutrement of the camerara-mayor, who
held exposed in her hand a great
chaplet, and who, while talking and
criticising the ball and the dancers,
muttered her prayers, and continued to
do so while the ball lasted. What
I found very strange was, that none of
the men present (except six
special officers and Maulevrier and
myself) were allowed to sit, not even
the dancers; in fact, there was not a
single seat in the whole salon, not
even at the back, except those I have
specified.
In Spain, men and women of all ages wear
all sorts of colours, and dance
if they like, even when more than sixty
years old, without exciting the
slightest ridicule or astonishment. I saw several examples of this among
men and women.
Amongst the company present was Madame
Robecque, a Frenchwoman, one of
the Queen's ladies, whom I had known
before she went to Spain. In former
days we had danced together at the
Court. Apparently she said so to the
Queen, for after having danced with one
of the children, she traversed
the whole length of the salon, made a
fine curtsey to their Catholic
Majesties, and came to dislodge me from
my retreat, asking me with a
curtsey and a smile to dance. I replied to her by saying she was
laughing at me; dispute, gallantries;
finally, she went to the Queen, who
called me and told me that the King and
she wished me to dance.
I took the liberty to represent to her
that she wished to divert herself
at my expense; that this order could not
be serious; I alleged my age, my
position, the number of years since I
had danced; in a word, I did all I
could to back out. But all was useless. The King mixed himself in the
matter; both he and the Queen begged me
to comply, tried to persuade me
I danced very well; at last commanded
me, and in such a manner that I was
obliged to obey. I acquitted myself, therefore, as well as I
could.
The ball being finished, the Marquis de
Villagarcias, one of the
majordomos, and one of the most honest
and most gracious of men I ever
saw (since appointed Viceroy of Peru),
would not let me leave until I had
rested in the refreshment-room, where he
made me drink a glass of
excellent neat wine, because I was all
in a sweat from the minuets and
quadrilles I had gone through, under a
very heavy coat.
This same evening and the next I
illuminated my house within and without,
not having a moment's leisure to give
any fete in the midst of the many
functions I had been so precipitately
called upon to fulfil.
CHAPTER CIX
On Thursday, the 27th of November, the
King and Queen were to depart from
Madrid to Lerma, a pretty hamlet six
leagues from Burgos, where they had
a palace. On the same day, very early in the morning,
our ambassador,
Maulevrier, came to me with despatches
from Cardinal Dubois, announcing
that the Regent's daughter, Mademoiselle
de Montpensier, had departed on
the 18th of November for Spain, and
giving information as to the places
she would stop at, the people she would
be accompanied by, the day she
would arrive at the frontier, and the
persons charged with the exchange
of the Princesses.
Maulevrier and I thought this news so
important that we felt there was no
time to lose, and at once hastened away
to the palace to communicate it
to their Majesties, who we knew were
waiting for it most impatiently. We
arrived at such an early hour that all
was deserted in the palace, and
when we reached the door of the Hall of
Mirrors, we were obliged to knock
loudly in order to be heard. A French valet opened the door, and told us
that their Catholic Majesties were still
in bed. We did not doubt it,
and begged him to apprise them that we
wished to have the honour of
speaking to them. Such an honour was unheard of, except under
extraordinary circumstances;
nevertheless the valet quickly returned,
saying that their Majesties would
receive us, though it was against all
rule and usage to do so while they were
in bed.
We traversed therefore the long and
grand Hall of Mirrors, turned to the
left at the end into a large and fine
room, then short off to the left
again into a very little chamber,
portioned off from the other, and
lighted by the door and by two little
windows at the top of the partition
wall.
There was a bed of four feet and a half at most, of crimson
damask, with gold fringe, four posts, the
curtains open at the foot and
at the side the King occupied. The King was almost stretched out upon
pillows with a little bed-gown of white
satin; the Queen sitting upright,
a piece of tapestry in her hand, at the
left of the King, some skeins of
thread near her, papers scattered upon
the rest of the bed and upon an
armchair at the side of it. She was quite close to the King, who was in
his night-cap, she also, and in her
bed-gown, both between the sheets,
which were only very imperfectly hidden
by the papers.
They made us abridge our reverences, and
the King, raising himself a
little impatiently, asked us our
business. We were alone, the valet
having retired after showing us the
door.
"Good news, Sire," replied
I. "Mademoiselle de Montpensier set
out on
the 18th; the courier has this instant
brought us the news, and we have
at once come to present ourselves to you
and apprise your Majesties of
it."
Joy instantly painted itself on their
faces, and immediately they began
to question us at great length upon the
details the courier had brought
us.
After an animated conversation, in which Maulevrier took but little
part, their Catholic Majesties dismissed
us, testifying to us the great
pleasure we had caused them by not
losing a minute in acquainting them
with the departure of Mademoiselle de
Montpensier, above all in not
having been stopped by the hour, and by
the fact that they were in bed.
We went back to my house to dine and
returned to the palace in order to
see the King and Queen depart. I again received from them a thousand
marks of favour. Both the King and Queen, but especially the
latter,
several times insisted that I must not
lose any time in following them to
Lerma; upon which I assured them they
would find me there as they
alighted from their coach.
I set out, in fact, on the 2nd of
December, from Madrid, to join the
Court, and was to sleep at the Escurial,
with the Comtes de Lorges and de
Cereste, my second son, the Abbe de
Saint-Simon and his brother, Pacquet,
and two principal officers of the King's
troops, who remained with me as
long as I stayed in Spain. In addition to the orders of the King of
Spain and the letters of the Marquis de
Grimaldo, I was also furnished
with those of the nuncio for the Prior
of the Escurial, who is, at the
same time, governor, in order that I
might he shown the marvels of this
superb and prodigious monastery, and
that everything might be opened for
me that I wished to visit; for I had
been warned that, without the
recommendation of the nuncio, neither
that of the King and his minister,
nor any official character, would have
much served me. It will be seen
that, after all, I did not fail to
suffer from the churlishness and the
superstition of these coarse
Jeronimites.
They are black and white monks, whose dress
resembles that of the
Celestins; very idle, ignorant, and
without austerity, who, by the number
of their monasteries and their riches,
are in Spain much about what the
Benedictines are in France, and like
them are a congregation. They elect
also, like the Benedictines, their
superiors, local and general, except
the Prior of the Escurial, who is
nominated by the King, remains in
office as long as the King likes and no
more, and who is yet better
lodged at the Escurial than his Catholic
Majesty. 'Tis a prodigy, this
building, of extent, of structure, of
every kind of magnificence, and
contains an immense heap of riches, in
pictures, in ornaments, in vases
of all kinds, in precious stones,
everywhere strewn about, and the
description of which I will not undertake,
since it does not belong to my
subject.
Suffice it to say that a curious connoisseur of all these
different beauties might occupy himself
there for three months without
cessation, and then would not have
examined all. The gridiron (its form,
at least) has regulated all the
ordonnance of this sumptuous edifice in
honour of Saint-Laurent, and of the
battle of Saint-Quentin, gained by
Philippe II., who, seeing the action
from a height, vowed he would erect
this monastery if his troops obtained
the victory, and asked his
courtiers, if such were the pleasures of
the Emperor, his father, who in
fact did not go so far for them as that.
There is not a door, a lock, or utensil
of any kind, or a piece of plate,
that is not marked with a gridiron.
The distance from Madrid to the Escurial
is much about the same as that
from Paris to Fontainebleau. The country is very flat and becomes a
wilderness on approaching the Escurial,
which takes its name from a large
village you pass, a league off. It is upon an eminence which you ascend
imperceptibly, and upon which you see
endless deserts on three sides; but
it is backed, as it were, by the
mountain of Guadarama, which encircles
Madrid on three sides, at a distance of
several leagues, more or less.
There is no village at the Escurial; the
lodging of their Catholic
Majesties forms the handle of the
gridiron. The principal grand
officers, and those most necessary, are
lodged, as well as the Queen's
ladies, in the monastery; on the side by
which you arrive all is very
badly built.
The church, the grand staircase, and the
grand cloister, surprised me.
I admired the elegance of the surgery,
and the pleasantness of the
gardens, which, however, are only a long
and wide terrace. The Pantheon
frightened me by a sort of horror and
majesty. The grand-altar and the
sacristy wearied my eyes, by their
immense opulence. The library did not
satisfy me, and the librarians still
less: I was received with much
civility, and invited to a good supper
in the Spanish style, at which the
Prior and another monk did the
honours. After this fast repast my
people
prepared my meals, but this fat monk
always supplied one or two things
that it would not have been civil to
refuse, and always ate with me; for,
in order that he might conduct us
everywhere, he never quitted our sides.
Bad Latin supplied the place of French,
which he did not understand; nor
even Spanish.
In the sanctuary at the grand altar,
there are windows behind the seats
of the priest and his assistants, who
celebrate the grand mass. These
windows, which are nearly on a level
with the sanctuary (very high),
belong to the apartment that Philippe
II. had built for himself, and in
which he died. He heard service through these windows. I wished to see
this apartment, which was entered from
behind. I was refused. It was in
vain that I insisted on the orders of
the King and of the nuncio,
authorising me to see all I wished. I disputed uselessly. They told me
this apartment had been closed ever
since the death of Philippe II., and
that nobody had entered it. I maintained that King Philippe V. and his
suite had seen it. They admitted the fact, but at the same time
told me
that he had entered by force as a
master, threatening to break in the
doors, that he was the only King who had
entered since Philippe II., and
that they would not open the apartment
to anybody. I understood nothing
of all this superstition, but I was
forced to rest content in my
ignorance. Louville, who had entered with the King, had
told me that the
place contained only five or six dark
chambers, and some holes and
corners with wainscots plastered with
mud; without tapestry, when he saw
it, or any kind of furniture; thus I did
not lose much by not entering.
In the Rotting-Room, which I have
elsewhere described, we read the
inscriptions near us, and the monk read
others as we asked him. We
walked thus, all round, talking and
discoursing thereon. Passing to the
bottom of the room, the coffin of the
unhappy Don Carlos offered itself
to our sight.
"As for him," said I, "it
is well known why, and of what he died."
At
this remark, the fat monk turned rusty,
maintained he had died a natural
death, and began to declaim against the
stories which he said had been
spread abroad about him. I smiled, saying, I admitted it was not true
that his veins had been opened. This observation completed the
irritation of the monk, who began to
babble in a sort of fury. I
diverted myself with it at first in
silence; then I said to him, that the
King, shortly after arriving in Spain;
had had the curiosity to open the
coffin of Don Carlos, and that I knew
from a man who was present ('twas
Louville), that his head had been found
between his legs; that Philippe
II., his father, had had it cut off
before him in the prison.
"Very well!" cried the monk in
fury, "apparently he had well deserved it;
for Philippe II., had permission from
the Pope to do so!" and,
thereupon, he began to cry with all his
might about the marvels of piety
and of justice of Philippe II., and
about the boundless power of the
Pope, and to cry heresy against any one
who doubted that he could not
order, decide, and dispose of all.
Such is the fanaticism of the countries
of the Inquisition, where science
is a crime, ignorance and superstition
the first of virtues. Though my
official character protected me, I did
not care to dispute, and cause a
ridiculous scene with this bigot of a
monk. I contented myself with
smiling, and by making a sign of silence
as I did so to those who were
with me.
The monk, therefore, had full swing, and preached a long time
without giving over. He perceived, perhaps, by our faces, that we
were
laughing at him, although without
gestures or words. At last he showed
us the rest of the chamber, still
fuming; then we descended to the
Pantheon. They did me the singular favour to light
about two-thirds of
the immense and admirable chandelier,
suspended from the middle of the
roof, the lights of which dazzled us,
and enabled us to distinguish in
every part of the Rotting-Room; not only
the smallest details of the
smallest letter, but the minutest
features of the place.
I passed three days in the Escurial,
lodged in a large and fine
apartment, and all that were with me
well lodged also. Our monk, who had
always been in an ill-humour since the
day of the Rotting-Room, did not
recover himself until the parting
breakfast came. We quitted him without
regret, but not the Escurial, which
would pleasantly occupy a curious
connoisseur during more than a three
months' stay. On the road we met
the Marquis de Montalegre, who invited,
us to dinner with him. The meal
was so good that we little regretted the
dinner my people had prepared
for us.
At last we arrived on the 9th, at our
village of Villahalmanzo, where I
found most comfortable quarters for myself
and all who were with me. I
found there, also, my eldest son, still
merely, convalescent, with the
Abbe de Monthon, who came from
Burgos. We supped very gaily, and I
reckoned upon taking a good excursion
the next day, and upon amusing
myself in reconnoitring the village and
the environs; but fever seized me
during the night, augmented during the
day, became violent the following
night, so that there was no more talk of
going on the 11th to meet the
King and Queen at Lerma, as they
alighted from their coach, according to
arrangement.
The malady increased with such rapidity
that I was found to be in great
danger, and immediately after, on the
point of death. I was bled shortly
after.
The small-pox, with which the whole country was filled, appeared.
The climate was such this year that it
froze hard twelve or fourteen
hours every day, while from eleven
o'clock in 'the morning till nearly
four, the sun shone as brightly as
possible, and it was too hot about
mid-day for walking! Yet in the shade it did not thaw for an
instant.
This cold weather was all the more sharp
because the air was purer and
clearer, and the sky continually of the
most perfect serenity.
The King of Spain, who was dreadfully
afraid of the small-pox, and who
with reason had confidence only in his
chief doctor, sent him to me as
soon as he was informed of my illness,
with orders not to quit me until I
was cured. I had, therefore, five or six persons
continually around me,
in addition to the domestics who served
me, one of the best and most
skilful physicians in Europe, who,
moreover, was capital company, and who
did not quit me night or day, and three
very good surgeons. The small-
pox came out very abundantly all over
me; it was of a good kind, and I
had no dangerous accident. Every one who waited upon me, master or man,
was cut off from all intercourse with
the rest of the world; even those
who cooked for us, from those who did
not.
The chief physician nearly every day
provided new remedies in case of
need, and yet administered none to me,
except in giving me, as my sole
beverage, water, in which, according to
its quantity, oranges were
thrown, cut in two with their skins on,
and which gently simmered before
my, fire; occasionally some spoonful of
a gentle and agreeable cordial
during the height of the suppuration,
and afterwards a little Rota wine,
and some broth, made of beef and
partridge.
Nothing was wanting, then, on the part
of those who had charge of me. I
was their only patient, and they had
orders not to quit me, and nothing
was wanting for my amusement, when I was
in a condition to take any, so
much good company being around me, and
that at a time when convalescents
of this malady experience all the
weariness and fretfulness of it. At
the end of my illness I was bled and purged
once, after which I lived as
usual, but in a species of solitude.
During the long interval in which this
illness shut me out from all
intercourse with the world, the Abbe de
Saint-Simon corresponded for me
with Cardinal Dubois, Grimaldo, Sartine,
and some others.
The King and Queen, not content with
having sent me their chief
physician, M. Hyghens, to be with me
night and day, wished to hear how I
was twice a day, and when I was better,
unceasingly showed to me a
thousand favours, in which they were
imitated by all the Court.
But I was six weeks ill in all.
CHAPTER CX
Here I think will be the fitting place
to introduce an account of the
daily life of the King and Queen of
Spain, which in many respects was
entitled to be regarded as
singular. During my stay at the Court I
had
plenty of opportunity to mark it well,
so that what I relate may be said
to have passed under my own eyes. This, then, was their daily life
wherever they were, and in all times and
seasons.
The King and Queen never had more than
one apartment, and one bed between
them, the latter exactly as I have
described it when relating my visit
with Maulevrier to their Catholic
Majesties to carry to them the news of
the departure from Paris of the future
Princess of the Asturias. During
fevers, illness, no matter of what kind,
or on whose side, childbirth
even,--never were they a single night
apart, and even when the deceased
Queen was eaten up with the scrofula,
the King continued to sleep with
her until a few nights before her death!
About nine o'clock in the morning the
curtains were drawn by the Asafeta,
followed by a single valet carrying a
basin full of caudle. Hyghens,
during my convalescence, explained to me
how this caudle was made, and in
fact concocted some for me to taste. It is a light mixture of broth,
milk, wine (which is in the largest
quantity), one or two yolks of eggs,
sugar, cinnamon, and a few cloves. It is white; has a very strong taste,
not unmixed with softness. I should not like to take it habitually,
nevertheless it is not
disagreeable. You put in it, if you
like, crusts
of bread, or, at times, toast, and then
it becomes a species of soup;
otherwise it is drunk as broth; and,
ordinarily, it was in this last
fashion the King took it. It is unctuous, but very warm, a restorative
singularly good for retrieving the past
night, and, for preparing you for
the next.
While the King partook of this brief
breakfast, the Asafeta brought the
Queen some tapestry to work at, passed
bed-gowns to their Majesties, and
put upon the bed some of the papers she
found upon the adjoining seats,
then withdrew with the valet and what he
had brought. Their Majesties
then said their morning prayers. Grimaldo afterwards entered. Sometimes
they signalled to him to wait, as he
came in, and called him when their
prayer was over, for there was nobody
else, and the bedroom was very
small.
Then Grimaldo displayed his papers, drew from his pocket an
inkstand, and worked with the King; the
Queen not being hindered by her
tapestry from giving her opinion.
This work lasted more or less according
to the business, or to the
conversation. Grimaldo, upon leaving with his papers, found
the
adjoining room empty, and a valet in
that beyond, who, seeing him pass,
entered into the empty room, crossed it,
and summoned the Asafeta, who
immediately came and presented to the
King his slippers and his dressing-
gown; he at once passed across the empty
room and entered into a cabinet,
where he dressed himself, followed by
three valets (never changed) and by
the Duc del Arco, or the Marquis de
Santa Cruz, and after by both, nobody
else ever being present at the ceremony.
The Queen, as soon as the King had
passed into his cabinet, put on her
stockings and shoes alone with the
Asafeta, who gave her her dressing-
gown.
It was the only moment in which this person could speak to the
Queen, or the Queen to her; but this
moment did not stretch at the most
to more than half a quarter of an
hour. Had they been longer together
the King would have known it, and would
have wanted to hear what kept
them.
The Queen passed through the empty chamber and entered into a fine
large cabinet, where her toilette
awaited her. When the King had dressed
in his cabinet--where he often spoke to
his confessor--he went to the
Queen's toilette, followed by the two
seigneurs just named. A few of the
specially--privileged were also admitted
there. This toilette lasted
about three-quarters of an hour, the
King and all the rest of the company
standing.
When it was over, the King half opened
the door of the Hall of Mirrors,
which leads into the salon where the
Court assembled, and gave his
orders; then rejoined the Queen in that
room which I have so often called
the empty room. There and then took place the private
audiences of the
foreign ministers, and of, the
seigneurs, or other subjects who obtained
them.
Once a week, on Monday, there was a public audience, a practice
which cannot be too much praised where
it is not abused. The King,
instead of half opening the door, threw
it wide open, and admitted
whoever liked to enter. People spoke to the King as much as they
liked,
how they liked, and gave him in writing
what they liked. But the
Spaniards resemble in nothing the
French; they are measured, discreet,
respectful, brief.
After the audiences, or after amusing
himself with the Queen--if there
are none, the King went to dress. The Queen accompanied him, and they
took the communion together (never
separately) about once a week, and
then they heard a second mass. The confession of the King was said after
he rose, and before he went to the
Queen's toilette.
Upon returning from mass, or very
shortly after, the dinner was served.
It was always in the Queen's apartment,
as well as the supper, but the
King and Queen had each their dishes;
the former, few, the latter, many,
for she liked eating, and ate of
everything; the King always kept to the
same things--soup, capon, pigeons,
boiled and roast, and always a roast
loin of veal--no fruit; or salad, or
cheese; pastry, rarely, never
maigre; eggs, often cooked in various
fashion; and he drank nothing but
champagne; the Queen the same. When the dinner was finished, they prayed
to God together. If anything pressing happened, Grimaldo came
and gave
them a brief account of it.
About an hour after dinner, they left
the apartment by a short passage
accessible to the court, and descended
by a little staircase to their
coach, returning by the same way. The seigneurs who frequented the court
pretty constantly assembled, now one,
now another, in this passage, or
followed their Majesties to their
coaches. Very often I saw them in this
passage as they went or returned. The Queen always said something
pleasant to whoever was there. I will speak elsewhere of the hunting-
party their Majesties daily made.
Upon returning, the King gave his
orders. If they had not partaken of a
collation in the coach, they partook of
one upon arriving. It was for
the King, a morsel of bread, a big
biscuit, some water and wine; and for
the Queen, pastry and fruit in season,
sometimes cheese. The Prince and
the Princess of the Asturias, and the
children, followed and waited for
them in the inner apartment. This company withdrew in less than half a
quarter of an hour. Grimaldo came and worked ordinarily for a
long time;
it was the time for the real work of the
day. When the Queen went to
confession this also was the time she
selected. Except what related to
the confession, she and her confessor
had no time to say anything to each
other.
The cabinet in which she confessed to him was contiguous to the
room occupied by the King, and when the
latter thought the confession too
long, he opened the door and called
her. Grimaldo being gone, they
prayed together, or sometimes occupied
themselves with spiritual reading
until supper. It was served like the dinner. At both meals there were
more dishes in the French style than in
the Spanish, or even the Italian.
After supper, conversation or prayers
conducted them to the hour for bed,
when nearly the same observances took
place as in the morning. Finally,
their Catholic Majesties everywhere had
but one wardrobe between them,
and were never in private one from
another.
These uniform days were the same in all
places, and even during the
journeys taken by their Majesties, who
were thus never separated, except
for a few minutes at a time. They passed their lives in one long tete-a-
tete.
When they travelled it was at the merest snail's pace, and they
slept on the road, night after night, in
houses prepared for them. In
their coach they were always alone; when
in the palace it was the same.
The King had been accustomed to this
monotonous life by his first queen,
and he did not care for any other. The new Queen, upon arriving, soon
found this out, and found also that if
she wished to rule him, she must
keep him in the same room, confined as
he had been kept by her
predecessor. Alberoni was the only person admitted to
their privacy.
This second marriage of the King of
Spain, entirely brought about by
Madame des Ursins, was very distasteful
to the Spaniards, who detested
that personage most warmly, and were in
consequence predisposed to look
unfavourably upon anyone she
favoured. It is true, the new Queen, on
arriving, drove out Madame des Ursins,
but this showed her to be
possessed of as much power as the woman
she displaced, and when she began
to exercise that power in other
directions the popular dislike to her was
increased. She made no effort to mitigate it--hating the
Spaniards as
much as they hated her--and it is
incredible to what an extent this
reciprocal aversion stretched.
When the Queen went out with the King to
the chase or to the atocha, the
people unceasingly cried, as well as the
citizens in their shops, "Viva
el Re y la Savoyana, y la
Savoyana," and incessantly repeated, with all
their lungs, "la Savoyana,"
which is the deceased Queen (I say this to
prevent mistake), no voice ever crying
"Viva la Reina." The Queen
pretended to despise this, but inwardly
raged (as people saw), she could
not habituate herself to it. She has said to me very frequently and more
than once: "The Spaniards do not
like me, and in return I hate them,"
with an air of anger and of pique.
These long details upon the daily life
of the King and Queen may appear
trivial, but they will not be judged so
by those who know, as I do, what
valuable information is to be gained
from similar particulars. I will
simply say in passing, that an
experience of twenty years has convinced
me that the knowledge of such details is
the key to many others, and that
it is always wanting in histories, often
in memoirs the most interesting
and instructive, but which would be much
more so if they had not
neglected this chapter, regarded by
those who do not know its price, as a
bagatelle unworthy of entering into a
serious recital. Nevertheless, I
am quite certain, that there is not a
minister of state, a favourite, or
a single person of whatever rank,
initiated by his office into the
domestic life of sovereigns, who will
not echo my sentiments.
And now let me give a more distinct
account of the King of Spain than I
have yet written.
Philip V. was not gifted with superior
understanding or with any stock of
what is called imagination. He was cold, silent, sad, sober, fond of no
pleasure except the chase, fearing
society, fearing himself, unexpansive,
a recluse by taste and habits, rarely
touched by others, of good sense
nevertheless, and upright, with a
tolerably good knowledge of things,
obstinate when he liked, and often then
not to be moved; nevertheless,
easy at other times to govern and
influence.
He was cold. In his campaigns he allowed himself to be led
into any
position, even under a brisk fire,
without budging in the slightest; nay,
amusing himself by seeing whether
anybody was afraid. Secured and
removed from danger he was the same,
without thinking that his glory
could suffer by it. He liked to make war, but was indifferent
whether he
went there or not; and present or
absent, left everything to the generals
without doing anything himself.
He was extremely vain; could bear no
opposition in any of his
enterprises; and what made me judge he
liked praise, was that the Queen
invariably praised him--even his face;
and asked me one day, at the end
of an audience which had led us into
conversation, if I did not think him
very handsome, and more so than any one
I knew?--His piety was only
custom, scruples, fears, little
observances, without knowing anything of
religion: the Pope a divinity when not
opposed to him; in fact he had the
outside religion of the Jesuits, of whom
he was passionately fond.
Although his health was very good, he
always feared for it; he was always
looking after it. A physician, such as the one Louis XI. enriched so
much at the end of his life; a Maitre
Coythier would have become a rich
and powerful personage by his side;
fortunately his physician was a
thoroughly good and honourable man, and
he who succeeded him devoted to
the Queen. Philip V. could speak well--very well, but
was often hindered
by idleness and self-mistrust. To the audiences I had with him, however,
he astonished me by the precision, the
grace, the easiness of his words.
He was good, easy to serve, familiar
with a few. His love of France
showed itself in everything. He preserved much gratitude and veneration
for the deceased King, and tenderness
for the late Monsieur; above all
for the Dauphin, his brother, for whose
loss he was never consoled.
I noticed nothing in him towards any
other of the royal family, except
the King; and he never asked me
concerning anybody in the Court, except,
and then in a friendly manner, the
Duchesse de Beauvilliers.
He had scruples respecting his crown,
that can with difficulty be
reconciled with the desire he had to
return, in case of misfortune, to
the throne of his fathers, which he had
more than once so solemnly
renounced. He believed himself an usurper! and in this idea nourished
his desire to return to France, and
abandon Spain and his scruples at one
and the same time. It cannot be disguised that all this was very
ill-
arranged in his head, but there it was,
and he would have abandoned Spain
had it been possible, because he felt
compelled by duty to do so. It was
this feeling which principally induced
him, after meditating upon it long
before I arrived in Spain, to abdicate
his throne in favour of his son.
It was the same usurpation in his eyes,
but not being able to obey his
scruples, he contented himself by doing
all he could in abdicating. It
was still this feeling which, at the
death of his son, troubled him so
much, when he saw himself compelled to
reascend the throne; though,
during his abdication, that son had
caused him not a little vexation.
As may well be imagined, Philip V. never
spoke of these delicate matters
to me, but I was not less well informed
of them elsewhere.
The Queen desired not less to abandon
Spain, which she hated, and to
return into France and reign, where she
hoped to lead a life of less
seclusion, and much more agreeable.
Notwithstanding all I have said, it is
perfectly true that Philip V. was
but little troubled by the wars he made,
that he was fond of enterprises,
and that his passion was to be respected
and dreaded, and to figure
grandly in Europe.
But let me now more particularly
describe the Queen.
This princess had much intellect and
natural graces, which she knew how
to put to account. Her sense, her reflection, and her conduct,
were
guided by that intellect, from which she
drew all the charms and, all the
advantages possible. Whoever knew her was astonished to find how
her
intelligence and natural capacity
supplied the place of her want of
knowledge of the world, of persons, of
affairs, upon all of which
subjects, her garret life in Parma, and
afterwards her secluded life with
the King of Spain, hindered her from
obtaining any real instruction. The
perspicuity she possessed, which enabled
her to see the right side of
everything that came under her
inspection, was undeniable, and this
singular gift would have become
developed in her to perfection if its
growth had not been interrupted by the
ill-humour she possessed; which it
must be admitted the life she led was
more than enough to give her. She
felt her talent and her strength, but
did not feel the fatuity and pride
which weakened them and rendered them
ridiculous. The current of her
life was simple, smooth, with a natural
gaiety even, which sparkled
through the eternal restraint of her
existence; and despite the ill-
temper and the sharpness which this
restraint without rest gave her, she
was a woman ordinarily without
pretension, and really charming.
When she arrived in Spain she was sure,
in the first place, of driving
away Madame des Ursins, and of
filling-her place in the government at
once.
She seized that place, and took possession also of the King's
mind, which she soon entirely
ruled. As to public business, nothing
could be hidden from her. The King always worked in her presence, never
otherwise; all that he saw alone she
read and discussed with him. She
was always present at all the private
audiences that he gave, whether to
his subjects or to the foreign
ministers; so that, as I have before
remarked, nothing possibly could escape
her.
As for the King, the eternal night and
day tete-a-tete she had with him
enabled her to sound him thoroughly, to
know him by heart, so to speak.
She knew perfectly the time for
preparatory insinuations, their success;
the resistance, when there was any, its
course and how to overcome it;
the moments for yielding, in order to
return afterwards to the charge,
and those for holding firm and carrying
everything by force. She stood
in need of all these intrigues,
notwithstanding her credit with the King.
If I may dare to say it, his temperament
was her strong point, and she
sometimes had recourse to it. Then her coldness excited tempests. The
King cried and menaced; now and then
went further; she held firm, wept,
and sometimes defended herself. In the morning all was stormy. The
immediate attendants acted towards King
and Queen often without
penetrating the cause of their
quarrel. Peace was concluded at the
first
opportunity, rarely to the disadvantage
of the Queen, who mostly had her
own way.
A quarrel of this sort arose when I was
at Madrid; and I was advised,
after hearing details I will not repeat,
to mix myself up in it, but I
burst out laughing and took good care
not to follow this counsel.
CHAPTER CXI.
The chase was every day the amusement of
the King, and the Queen was
obliged to make it hers. But it was always the same. Their Catholic
Majesties did me the singular honour to
invite me to it once, and I went
in my coach. Thus I saw this pleasure well, and to see it
once is to see
it always. Animals to shoot are not met with in the
plains. They must
be sought for among the mountains,--and
there the ground is too rugged
for hunting the stag, the wild boar, and
other beasts as we hunt the
hare,--and elsewhere. The plains even are so dry, so hard, so full
of
deep crevices (that are not perceived
until their brink is reached), that
the best hounds or harriers would soon
be knocked up, and would have
their feet blistered, nay lamed, for a
long time. Besides, the ground is
so thickly covered with sturdy
vegetation that the hounds could not
derive much help from their noses. Mere shooting on the wing the King
had long since quitted, and he had ceased
to mount his horse; thus the
chase simply resolved itself into a
battue.
The Duc del Orco, who, by his post of
grand ecuyer, had the
superintendence of all the hunting
arrangements, chose the place where
the King and Queen were to go. Two large arbours were erected there, the
one against the other, entirely shut in,
except where two large openings,
like windows, were made, of
breast-height. The King, the Queen, the
captain of the guards, and the grand
ecuyer were in the first arbour with
about twenty guns and the wherewithal to
load them. In the other arbour,
the day I was present, were the Prince
of the Asturias, who came in his
coach with the Duc de Ponoli and the
Marquis del Surco, the Marquis de
Santa Cruz, the Duc Giovenazzo,
majordomo, major and grand ecuyer to the
Queen, Valouse, two or three officers of
the body-guard, and I myself.
We had a number of guns, and some men to
load them. A single lady of the
palace followed the Queen all alone, in
another coach, which she did not
quit; she carried with her, for her
consolation, a book or some work, for
no one approached her. Their Majesties and their suite went to the
chase
in hot haste with relays of guards and
of coach horses, for the distance
was at least three or four leagues; at
the least double that from Paris
to Versailles. The party alighted at the arbours, and
immediately the
carriages, the poor lady of the palace,
and all the horses were led away
far out of sight, lest they should
frighten the beasts.
Two, three, four hundred peasants had
early in the morning beaten the
country round, with hue and cry, after
having enclosed it and driven all
the animals together as near these
arbours as possible. When in the
arbour you were not allowed to stir, or
to make the slightest remarks, or
to wear attractive colours; and
everybody stood up in silence.
This period of expectation lasted an
hour and a half, and did not appear
to me very amusing. At last we heard loud cries from afar, and
soon
after we saw troops of animals pass and
repass within shot and within
half-shot of us; and then the King and
the Queen banged away in good
earnest.
This diversion, or rather species of butchery, lasted more than
half an hour, during which stags, hinds,
roebucks, boars, hares, wolves,
badgers, foxes, and numberless pole-cats
passed; and were killed or
lamed.
We were obliged to let the King and
Queen fire first, although pretty
often they permitted the grand ecuyer
and the captain of the guard to
fire also; and as we did not know from
whom came the report, we were
obliged to wait until the King's arbour
was perfectly silent; then let
the Prince shoot, who very often had
nothing to shoot at, and we still
less.
Nevertheless, I killed a fox, but a little before I ought to have
done so, at which, somewhat ashamed, I
made my excuses to the Prince of
the Asturias, who burst out laughing,
and the company also, I following
their example and all passing very
politely.
In proportion as the peasants approach
and draw nearer each other, the
sport advances, and it finishes when
they all come close to the arbours,
still shouting, and with nothing more
behind them. Then the coaches
return, the company quits the arbours,
the beasts killed are laid before
the King. They are placed afterwards behind the
coaches. During all
this, conversation respecting the sport
rolls on. We carried away this
day about a dozen or more beasts, some
hares, foxes, and polecats. The
night overtook us soon after we quitted
the arbours.
And this is the daily diversion of their
Catholic Majesties.
It is time now, however, to resume the
thread of my narrative, from which
these curious and little-known details
have led me.
I have shown in its place the motive
which made me desire my embassy; it
was to obtain the 'grandesse' for my
second son, and thus to "branch" my
house.
I also desired to obtain the Toison d'Or for my eldest son, that
he might derive from this journey an
ornament which, at his age, was a
decoration. I had left Paris with full liberty to employ
every aid, in
order to obtain these things; I had,
too, from M. le Duc d'Orleans, the
promise that he would expressly ask the
King of Spain for the former
favour, employing the name of the King,
and letters of the strongest kind
from Cardinal Dubois to Grimaldo and
Father Aubenton. In the midst of
the turmoil of affairs I spoke to both
of these persons, and was
favourably attended to.
Grimaldo was upright and truthful. He conceived a real friendship for
me, and gave me, during my stay at
Madrid, all sorts of proofs of it.
He said that this union of the two
Courts by the two marriages might
influence the ministers. His sole point of support, in order to
maintain
himself in the post he occupied, so
brilliant and so envied, was the King
of Spain. The Queen, he found, could never be a solid
foundation on
which to repose. He wished, then, to support himself upon
France, or at
least to have no opposition from it, and
he perfectly well knew the
duplicity and caprices of Cardinal
Dubois. The Court of Spain, at all
times so watchful over M. le Duc
d'Orleans, in consequence of what had
passed in the time of the Princesse des
Ursins, and during the Regency,.
was not ignorant of the intimate and
uninterrupted confidence of this
prince in me, or of the terms on which I
was with him. These sort of
things appear larger than they are, when
seen from afar, and the choice
that had been made of me for this
singular embassy confirmed it still
more!
Grimaldo, then, might have thought to assure my friendship in his
behalf, and my influence with M. le Duc
d'Orleans, occasion demanding it;
and I don't think I am deceiving myself
in attributing to him this policy
while he aided me to obtain a favour, at
bottom quite natural, and which
could cause him no inconvenience.
I regarded the moment at which the
marriage would be celebrated as that
at which I stood most chance of
obtaining what I desired, and I
considered that if it passed over
without result to me, all would grow
cold, and become uncertain, and very
disagreeable. I had forgotten
nothing during this first stay in
Madrid, in order to please everybody,
and I make bold to say that I had all
the better succeeded because I had
tried to give weight and merit to my
politeness, measuring it according
to the persons I addressed, without
prostitution and without avarice, and
that's what made me hasten to learn all
I could of the birth, of the
dignities, of the posts, of the
alliances, of the reputation of each, so
as to play my cards well, and secure the
game.
But still I needed the letters of M. le
Duc d'Orleans, and of Cardinal
Dubois.
I did not doubt the willingness of the Regent, but I did doubt,
and very much too, that of his
minister. It has been seen what reason I
had for this.
These letters ought to have arrived at
Madrid at the same time that I
did, but they had not come, and there
seemed no prospect of their
arriving. What redoubled my impatience was that I read
them beforehand,
and that I wished to have the time to
reflect, and to turn round, in
order to draw from them, in spite of
them, all the help I could. I
reckoned that these letters would be in
a feeble spirit, and this opinion
made me more desirous to fortify my
batteries in Spain in order to render
myself agreeable to the King and Queen,
and to inspire them with the
desire to grant me the favours I wished.
A few days before going to Lerma I
received letters from Cardinal Dubois
upon my affair. Nobody could be more eager or more earnest
than the
Cardinal, for he gave me advice how to
arrive at my aim, and pressed me
to look out for everything which could
aid me; assuring me that his
letters, and those of M. le Duc
d'Orleans, would arrive in time. In the
midst of the perfume of so many flowers,
the odour of falsehood could
nevertheless be smelt. I had reckoned upon this. I had done all in my
power to supply the place of these
letters. I received therefore not as
gospel, all the marvels Dubois sent me,
and I set out for Lerma fully
resolved to more and more cultivate my
affair without reckoning upon the
letters promised me; but determined to
draw as much advantage from them
as I could.
Upon arriving at Lerma I fell ill as I
have described, and the small-pox
kept me confined forty days: The letters
so long promised and so long
expected did not arrive until the end of
my quarantine. They were just
what I expected. Cardinal Dubois explained himself to Grimaldo
in turns
and circumlocution, and if one phrase
displayed eagerness and desire, the
next destroyed it by an air of respect
and of discretion, protesting he
wished simply what the King of Spain
would himself wish, with all the
seasoning necessary for the annihilation
of his good offices under the
pretence that he did not wish to press
his Majesty to anything or to
importune him.
This written stammering savoured of the
bombast of a man who had no
desire to serve me, but who, not daring
to break his word, used all his
wits to twist and overrate the little he
could not hinder himself from
saying.
This letter was simply for Grimaldo, as the letter of M. le Duc
d'Orleans was simply for the King of Spain. The last was even weaker
than the first. It was like a design in pencil nearly effaced
by the
rain, and in which nothing, connected
appeared. It scarcely touched upon
the real point, but lost itself in
respects, in reservations, in
deference, and would propose nothing
that was not according to the taste
of the King! In a word, the letter withdrew rather than
advanced, and
was a sort of ease-conscience which
could not be refused, and which did
not promise much success.
It is easy to understand that these
letters much displeased me. Although
I had anticipated all the malice of
Cardinal Dubois, I found it exceeded
my calculations, and that it was more
undisguised than I imagined it
would be.
Such as the letters were I was obliged
to make use of them. The Abbe de
Saint-Simon wrote to Grimaldo and to
Sartine, enclosing these letter, for
I myself did not yet dare to write on
account of the precautions I was
obliged to use against the bad air. Sartine and Grimaldo, to whom I had
not confided my suspicions that these
recommendations would be in a very
weak tone, were thrown into the utmost
surprise on reading them.
They argued together, they were
indignant, they searched for a bias to
strengthen that which had so much need
of strength, but this bias could
not be found; they consulted together,
and Grimaldo formed a bold
resolution, which astonished me to the
last degree, and much troubled me
also.
He came to the conclusion that these
letters would assuredly do me more
harm than good; that they must be suppressed,
never spoken of to the
King, who must be confirmed without them
in the belief that in according
me these favours he would confer upon M.
le Duc d'Orleans a pleasure, all
the greater, because he saw to what
point extended all his reserve in not
speaking to him about this matter, and
mine in not asking for these
favours through his Royal Highness, as
there was every reason to believe
I should do. Grimaldo proposed to draw from these
circumstances all the
benefit he proposed to have drawn from
the letters had they been written
in a fitting spirit, and he said he
would answer for it; I should have
the 'grandesse' and the 'Toison d'Or'
without making the slightest
allusion to the cold recommendations of
M. le Duc d'Orleans to the King
of Spain, and of Dubois to him.
Sartine, by his order, made this known
to the Abbe de Saint-Simon, who
communicated it to me, and after having
discussed together with Hyghens,
who knew the ground as well as they, and
who had really devoted himself
to me, I blindly abandoned myself to the
guidance and friendship of
Grimaldo, with full success, as will be
seen.
In relating here the very singular
fashion by which my affair succeeded,
I am far indeed from abstracting from M.
le Duc d'Orleans all gratitude.
If he had not confided to me the double
marriage, without the knowledge
of Dubois, and in spite of the secrecy
that had been asked for, precisely
on my account, I should not have been
led to beg of him the embassy.
I instantly asked for it, declaring that
my sole aim was the grandesse
for my second son, and he certainly
accorded it to me with this aim, and
promised to aid me with his
recommendation in order to arrive at it, but
with the utmost secrecy on account of
the vexation Dubois would feel, and
in order to give himself time to arrange
with the minister and induce him
to swallow the pill.
If I had not had the embassy in this
manner, it would certainly have
escaped me; and thus would have been
lost all hope of the grandesse, to
obtain which there would have been no
longer occasion, reason, or means.
The friendship and the confidence of
this prince prevailed then over the
witchery which his miserable preceptor
had cast upon him, and if he
afterwards yielded to the roguery, to
the schemes, to the folly which
Dubois employed in the course of this
embassy to ruin and disgrace me,
and to bring about the failure of the
sole object which had made me
desire it, we must only blame his
villainy and the deplorable feebleness
of M. le Duc d'Orleans, which caused me
many sad embarrassments, and did
so much harm, but which even did more
harm to the state and to the prince
himself.
It is with this sad but only too true
reflection that I finish the year
1721.
CHAPTER CXII
The Regent's daughter arrived in Spain
at the commencement of the year
1722, and it was arranged that her
marriage with the Prince of the
Asturias should be celebrated on the
30th of January at Lerma, where
their Catholic Majesties were then
staying. It was some little distance
from my house. I was obliged therefore to start early in the
morning in
order to arrive in time. On the way I paid a visit of ceremony to the
Princess, at Cogollos, ate a mouthful of
something, and turned off to
Lerma.
As soon as I arrived there, I went to
the Marquis of Grimaldo's
apartments. His chamber was at the end of a vast room, a
piece of which
had been portioned off, in order to
serve as a chapel. Once again I had
to meet the nuncio, and I feared lest he
should remember what had passed
on a former occasion, and that I should
give Dubois a handle for
complaint. I saw, therefore, but very imperfectly, the
reception of the
Princess; to meet whom the King and
Queen (who lodged below) and the
Prince precipitated themselves, so to
speak, almost to the steps of the
coach.
I quietly went up again to the chapel.
The prie-dieu of the King was placed in
front of the altar, a short
distance from the steps, precisely as
the King's prie-dieu is placed at
Versailles, but closer to the altar, and
with a cushion on each side of
it.
The chapel was void of courtiers.
I placed myself to the right of
the King's cushion just beyond the edge
of the carpet, and amused myself
there better than I had expected. Cardinal Borgia, pontifically clad,
was in the corner, his face turned
towards me, learning his lesson
between two chaplains in surplices, who
held a large book open in front
of him.
The good prelate did not know how to read; he tried, however,
and read aloud, but inaccurately. The chaplains took him up, he grew
angry, scolded them, recommenced, was
again corrected, again grew angry,
and to such an extent that he turned
round upon them and shook them by
their surplices. I laughed as much as I could; for he
perceived nothing,
so occupied and entangled was he with
his lesson.
Marriages in Spain are performed in the
afternoon, and commence at the
door of the church, like baptisms. The King, the Queen, the Prince, and
the Princess arrived with all the Court,
and the King was announced.
"Let them wait," said the
Cardinal in choler, "I am not ready."
They
waited, in fact, and the Cardinal
continued his lesson, redder than his
hat, and still furious. At last he went to the door, at which a
ceremony
took place that lasted some time. Had I not been obliged to continue at
my post, curiosity would have made me
follow him. That I lost some
amusement is certain, for I saw the King
and Queen laughing and looking
at their prie-dieu, and all the Court
laughing also. The nuncio arriving
and seeing by the position I had taken
up that I was preceding him, again
indicated his surprise to me by
gestures, repeating, "Signor, signor;"
but I had resolved to understand
nothing, and laughingly pointed out the
Cardinal to him, and reproached him for
not having better instructed the
worthy prelate for the honour of the
Sacred College. The nuncio
understood French very well, but spoke
it very badly. This banter and
the innocent air with which I gave it,
without appearing to notice his
demonstrations, created such a fortunate
diversion, that nobody else was
thought of; more especially as the poor
cardinal more and more caused
amusement while continuing the ceremony,
during which he neither knew
where he was nor what he was doing,
being taken up and corrected every
moment by his chaplains, and fuming
against them so that neither the King
nor the Queen could; contain
themselves. It was the same with
everybody
else who witnessed the scene.
I could see nothing more than the back
of the Prince and the Princess as
they knelt each upon a cushion between
the prie-dieu and the altar, the
Cardinal in front making grimaces
indicative of the utmost confusion.
Happily all I had to think of was the
nuncio, the King's majordomo-major
having placed himself by the side of his
son, captain of the guards. The
grandees were crowded around with the
most considerable people: the rest
filled all the chapel so that there was
no stirring.
Amidst the amusement supplied to us by
the poor Cardinal, I remarked
extreme satisfaction in the King and
Queen at seeing this grand marriage
accomplished. The ceremony finished, as it was not long,
only the King,
the Queen, and, when necessary, the
Prince and Princess kneeling, their
Catholic Majesties rose and withdrew
towards the left corner of their
footcloth, talked together for a short
time, after which the Queen
remained where she was, and the King
advanced to me, I being where I had
been during all the ceremony.
The King did me the honour to say to me,
"Monsieur, in every respect I am
so pleased with you, and particularly
for the manner in which you have
acquitted yourself of your embassy, that
I wish to give you some marks of
my esteem, of my satisfaction; of my
friendship. I make you Grandee of
Spain of the first class; you, and, at
the same time, whichever of your
sons you may wish to have the same
distinction; and your eldest son I
will make chevalier of the Toison
d'Or."
I immediately embraced his knees, and I
tried to testify to him my
gratitude and my extreme desire to
render myself worthy of the favour he
deigned to spread upon me, by my attachment,
my very humble services, and
my most profound respect. Then I kissed his hand, turned and sent for
my, children, employing the moments
which had elapsed before they came in
uttering fresh thanks. As soon as my sons appeared, I called the
younger
and told him, to embrace the knees of
the King who overwhelmed us with
favours, and made him grandee of Spain
with me. He kissed the King's
hand in rising, the King saying he was
very glad of what he had just
done.
I presented the elder to him afterwards, to thank him for the
Toison.
He simply bent very low and kissed the King's hand. As soon as
this was at an end, the King went
towards the Queen, and I followed him
with my children. I bent very low before the Queen, thanked
her, then
presented to her my children, the
younger first, the elder afterwards.
The Queen received us with much
goodness, said a thousand civil things,
then walked away with the King, followed
by the Prince, having upon his
arm the Princess, whom we saluted in
passing; and they returned to their
apartments. I wished to follow them, but was carried
away, as it were,
by the crowd which pressed eagerly
around me to compliment me. I was
very careful to reply in a fitting
manner to each, and with the utmost
politeness, and though I but little
expected these favours at this
moment, I found afterwards that all this
numerous court was pleased with
me.
A short time after the celebration of
the marriage between the Regent's
daughter and the Prince of the Asturias,
the day came on which my eldest
son was to receive the Toison d'Or. The Duc de Liria was to be his,
godfather, and it was he who conducted
us to the place of ceremony. His
carriage was drawn by four perfectly
beautiful Neapolitan horses; but
these animals, which are often extremely
fantastical, would not stir.
The whip was vigorously applied;
results--rearing, snorting, fury, the
carriage in danger of being upset. Time was flying; I begged the Duc de
Liria, therefore, to get into my
carriage, so that we might not keep the
King and the company waiting for
us. It was in vain I represented to him
that this function of godfather would in
no way be affected by changing
his own coach for mine, since it would
be by necessity. He would not
listen to me. The horses continued their game for a good
half hour
before they consented to start.
All my cortege followed us, for I wished
by this display to show the King
of Spain how highly I appreciated the
honours of his Court. On the way
the horses again commenced their
pranks. I again pressed the Duc de
Liria to change his coach, and he again
refused. Fortunately the pause
this time was much shorter than at
first; but before we reached the end
of our journey there came a message to
say that the King was waiting for
us.
At last we arrived, and as soon as the King was informed of it he
entered the room where the chapter of
the order was assembled. He
straightway sat himself down in an
armchair, and while the rest of the
company were placing themselves in
position; the Queen, the Princess of
the Asturias, and their suite, seated
themselves as simple spectators at
the end of the room.
All the chapter having arranged
themselves in order, the door in front of
the King, by which we had entered, was
closed, my son remaining outside
with a number of the courtiers. Then the King covered himself, and all
the chevaliers at the same time, in the
midst of a silence, without sign,
which lasted as long as a little
prayer. After this, the King very
briefly proposed that the Vidame de
Chartres should be received into the
order.
All the chevaliers uncovered themselves, made an inclination,
without rising, and covered themselves
again. After another silence, the
King called the Duc de Liria, who
uncovered himself, and with a reverence
approached the King; by whom he was thus
addressed: "Go and see if the
Vidame de Chartres is not somewhere
about here."
The Duc de Liria made another reverence
to the King, but none to the
chevaliers (who, nevertheless, were
uncovered at the same time as he),
went away, the door was closed upon him,
and the chevaliers covered
themselves again. The reverences just made, and those I shall
have
occasion to speak of in the course of my
description, were the same as
are seen at the receptions of the
chevaliers of the Saint-Esprit, and in
all grand ceremonies.
The Duc de Liria remained outside nearly
a quarter of an hour, because it
is assumed that the new chevalier is
ignorant of the proposition made for
him, and that it is only by chance he is
found in the palace, time being
needed in order to look for him. The Duc de Liria returned, and
immediately after the door was again
closed, and he advanced to the King,
as before, saying that the Vidame de
Chartres was in the other room.
Upon this the King ordered him to go and
ask the Vidame if he wished to
accept the Order of the Toison d'Or, and
be received into it, and
undertake to observe its statutes, its
duties, its ceremonies, take its
oaths, promise to fulfil all the
conditions submitted: to every one who
is admitted into it, and agree to
conduct himself in everything like a
good, loyal, brave, and virtuous
chevalier. The Duc de Liria withdrew as
he had before withdrawn. The door was again closed. He returned after
having been absent a shorter time than
at first. The door was again
closed, and he approached the King as
before, and announced to him the
consent and the thanks of the
Vidame. "Very well," replied
the King.
"Go seek him, and bring him
here."
The Duc de Liria withdrew, as on the
previous occasions, and immediately
returned, having my son on his
left. The door being open, anybody was
at
liberty to enter, and see the ceremony.
The Duc de Liria conducted my son to the
feet of the King, and then
seated himself in his place. My son, in advancing, had lightly inclined
himself to the chevaliers, right and
left; and, after having made in the
middle of the room a profound bow, knelt
before the King, without
quitting his sword, and having his hat
under his arm, and no gloves on.
The chevaliers, who had uncovered
themselves at the entry of the Duc de
Liria, covered themselves when he sat
down; and the Prince of the
Asturias acted precisely as they acted.
The King repeated to my son the same
things, a little more lengthily,
that had been said to him by the Duc de
Liria, and received his promise
upon each in succession. Afterwards, an attendant, who was standing in
waiting behind the table, presented to
the King, from between the table
and the chair, a large book, open, and
in which was a long oath, that my
son repeated to the King, who had the
book upon his knees, the oath in
French, and on loose paper; being in
it. This ceremony lasted rather a
long time: Afterwards, my son kissed the
King's hand, and the King made
him rise and pass, without reverence;
directly before the table, towards
the middle of which he knelt, his back
to the Prince of the Asturias, his
face to the attendant, who showed him
(the table being between them) what
to do.
There was upon this table a great crucifix of enamel upon a
stand, with a missal open at the Canon,
the Gospel of Saint-John, and
forms, in French, of promises and oaths
to be made, whilst putting the
hand now upon the Canon, now upon the
Gospel. The oath-making took up
some time; after which my son came back
and knelt before the King again
as before.
Then, the Duc del Orco, grand ecuyer,
and Valouse, premier ecuyer, who
have had the Toison since, and who were
near me, went away, the Duke
first, Valouse behind him, carrying in
his two hands, with marked care
and respect, the sword of the Grand Captain,
Don Gonzalvo de Cordova, who
is never called otherwise. They walked, with measured step, outside the
right-hand seats of the chevaliers, then
entered the chapter, where the
Duc de Liria had entered with my son,
marched inside the left-hand seats
of the chevaliers, without reverence,
but the Duke inclining himself;
Valouse not doing so on account of the
respect due to the sword; the
grandees did not incline themselves.
The Duke on arriving between the Prince
of the Asturias and the King,
knelt, and Valouse knelt behind
him. Some moments after, the King made a
sign to them; Valouse drew the sword
from its sheath which he put under
his arm, held the naked weapon by the
middle of the blade, kissed the
hilt, and presented it to the King, who,
without uncovering himself,
kissed the pommel, took the sword in
both hands by the handle, held it
upright some moments; then held it with
one hand, but almost immediately
with the other as well, and struck it
three times upon each shoulder of
my son, alternately, saying to him,
"By Saint-George and Saint-Andrew I
make you Chevalier." And the weight of the sword was so great that
the
blows did not fall lightly. While the King was striking them, the grand
ecuyer and the premier remained in their
places kneeling. The sword was
returned as it had been presented, and
kissed in the same manner.
Valouse put it back into its sheath,
after which the grand ecuyer and the
premier ecuyer returned as they came.
This sword, handle included, was more
than four feet long; the blade four
good digits wide, thick in proportion,
insensibly diminishing in
thickness and width to the point, which
was very small. The handle
appeared to me of worked enamel, long
and very large; as well as the
pommel; the crossed piece long, and the
two ends wide, even, worked,
without branch. I examined it well, and I could not hold it
in the air
with one-hand, still less handle it with
both hands except with much
difficulty. It is pretended that this is the sword the
Great Captain
made use of, and with which he obtained
so many victories.
I marvelled at the strength of the men
in those days, with whom I believe
early habits did much. I was touched by the grand honour rendered to
the
Great Captain's memory; his sword
becoming the sword of the State,
carried even by the King with great
respect. I repeated, more than once,
that if I were the Duc de Scose (who
descends in a direct line from the
Great Captain by the female branch, the
male being extinct), I would
leave nothing undone to obtain the
Toison, in order to enjoy the honour
and the sensible pleasure of being
struck by this sword, and with such
great respect for my ancestor. But to return to the ceremony from which
this little digression has taken me.
The accolade being given by the King
after the blows with the sword,
fresh oaths being taken at his feet,
then before the table as at first,
and on this occasion at greater length,
my son returned and knelt before
the King, but without saying anything
more. Then Grimaldo rose and,
without reverence, left the chapter by
the left, went behind the right-
hand seats of the chevaliers, and took
the collar of the Toison which was
extended at the end of the table. At this moment the King told my son to
rise, and so remain standing in the same
place. The Prince of the
Asturias, and the Marquis de Villena
then rose also, end approached my
son, both covered, all the other
chevaliers remaining seated and covered.
Then Grimaldo, passing between the table
and the empty seat of the Prince
of the Asturias, presented; standing,
the collar to the King, who took it
with both hands, and meanwhile Grimaldo,
passing behind the Prince of the
Asturias, went and placed himself behind
my son. As soon as he was
there, the King told my son to bend very
low, but without kneeling, and
then leaning forward, but without
rising, placed the collar upon him, and
made him immediately after stand
upright. The King then took hold of the
collar, simply holding the end of it in
his hand. At the same time, the
collar was attached to the left shoulder
by the Prince of the Asturias,
to the right shoulder by the Marquis de
Villena, and behind by Grimaldo;
the King still holding the end.
When the collar was attached, the Prince
of the Asturias, the Marquis de
Villena, and Grimaldo, without making a
reverence and no chevalier
uncovering himself, went back to their
places, and sat down; at, the same
moment my son knelt before the King, and
bared, his head. Then the Duc
de Liria, without reverence, and
uncovered (no chevalier uncovering
himself), placed himself before the King
at the left, by the side of my,
son, and both made their reverences to
the King; turned round to the
Prince of the Asturias, did the same to
him, he rising and doing my son
the honour to embrace him, and as soon
as he was reseated they made a
reverence to him; then, turning to the
King, made him one; afterwards
they did the same to the Marquis de
Villena, who rose and embraced my
son.
Then he reseated himself; upon which they made a reverence to him,
then turning again towards the King,
made another to him; and so an from
right to left until every chevalier had
been bowed to in a similar
manner.
Then my son sat down, and the Duc de Liria returned to his
place.
After this long series of bows, so
bewildering for those who play the
chief part in it, the King remained a
short time in his armchair, them
rose, uncovered himself, and retired
into his apartment as he came. I
had instructed my son to hurry forward
and arrive before him at the door
of his inner apartment. He was in time, and I also, to kiss the hand
of
the King, and to express our thanks,
which were well received. The Queen
arrived and overwhelmed us with
compliments. I must observe that the
ceremony of the sword and the accolade
are not performed at the reception
of those who, having already another
order, are supposed to have received
them; like the chevaliers of the
Saint-Esprit and of Saint-Michel, and
the chevaliers of Saint-Louis.
Their Catholic Majesties being gone, we
withdrew to my house, where a
very grand dinner was prepared. The usage is, before the reception, to
visit all the chevaliers of the Toison,
and when the day is fixed, to
visit all those invited to dinner on the
day of the ceremony; the
godfather, with the other chevalier by
whom he is accompanied, also
invites them at the palace before they
enter the chapter, and aids the
new chevalier to do the honours of the
repast. I had led my son with me
to pay these visits. Nearly all the chevaliers came to dine with
us, and
many other nobles. The Duc d'Albuquerque, whom I met pretty
often, and
who had excused himself from attending a
dinner I had previously given,
on account of his stomach (ruined as he
said in the Indies), said he,
would not refuse me twice, on condition
that I permitted him to take
nothing but soup, because meat was too
solid for him. He came, and
partook of six sorts of soup, moderately
of all; he afterwards lightly
soaked his bread in such ragouts as were
near him, eating only the end,
and finding everything very good. He drank nothing but wine and water.
The dinner was gay, in spite of the
great number of guests. The
Spaniards eat as much as, nay more than,
we, and with taste, choice, and
pleasure: as to drink, they are very
modest.
On the 13th of March, 1722, their
Catholic Majesties returned from their
excursion to the Retiro. The hurried journey I had just made to the
former place, immediately after the
arrival of a courier, and in spite of
most open prohibitions forbidding every
one to go there, joined to the
fashion, full of favour and goodness,
with which I had been distinguished
by their Majesties ever since my arrival
in Spain, caused a most
ridiculous rumour to obtain circulation,
and which, to my great surprise,
at once gained much belief.
It was reported there that I was going
to quit my position of ambassador
from France, and be declared prime
minister of Spain! The people who had
been pleased, apparently, with the
expense I had kept up, and to whom not
one of my suite had given the slightest
cause of complaint, set to crying
after me in the streets; announcing my
promotion, displaying joy at it,
and talking of it even in the
shops. A number of persons even
assembled
round my house to testify to me their
pleasure. I dispersed them as
civilly and as quickly as possible,
assuring them the report was not
true, and that I was forthwith about to
return to France.
This was nothing more than the
truth. I had finished all my business.
It was time to think about setting
out. As soon, however, as I talked
about going, there was nothing which the
King and the Queen did not do to
detain me. All the Court, too, did me the favour to
express much
friendship for me, and regret at my
departure. I admit even that I could
not easily make up my mind to quit a
country where I had found nothing
but fruits and flowers, and to which I
was attached, as I shall ever be,
by esteem and gratitude. I made at once a number of farewell visits
among the friends I had been once
acquainted with; and on the 21st of
March I had my parting state audiences
of the King and Queen separately.
I was surprised with the dignity, the
precision, and the measure of the
King's expressions, as I had been
surprised at my first audience. I
received many marks of personal
goodness, and of regret at my departure
from his Catholic Majesty, and from the
Queen even more; from the Prince
of the Asturias a good many also. But in another direction I met with
very different treatment, which I cannot
refrain from describing, however
ridiculous it may appear.
I went, of course, to say my adieux to
the Princess of the Asturias, and
I was accompanied by all my suite. I found the young lady standing under
a dais, the ladies on one side, the
grandees on the other; and I made my
three reverences, then uttered my
compliments. I waited in silence her
reply, but 'twas in vain. She answered not one word.
After some moments of silence, I thought
I would furnish her with matter
for an answer; so I asked her what
orders she had for the King; for the
Infanta, for Madame, and for M. and
Madame la Duchesse d'Orleans. By way
of reply, she looked at me and belched
so loudly in my face, that the
noise echoed throughout the
chamber. My surprise was such that I was
stupefied. A second belch followed as noisy as the
first.
I lost countenance at this, and all
power of hindering myself from
laughing. Turning round, therefore, I saw everybody
with their hands
upon their mouths, and their shoulders
in motion. At last a third belch,
still louder than the two others, threw
all present into confusion, and
forced me to take flight, followed by
all my suite, amid shouts of
laughter, all the louder because they
had previously been kept in. But
all barriers of restraint were now
thrown down; Spanish gravity was
entirely disconcerted; all was deranged;
no reverences; each person,
bursting with laughter, escaped as he
could, the Princess all the while
maintaining her countenance. Her belches were the only answers she made
me.
In the adjoining room we all stopped to laugh at our ease, and
express our astonishment afterwards more
freely.
The King and Queen were soon informed of
the success of this audience,
and spoke of it to me after dinner at
the Racket Court. They were the
first to laugh at it, so as to leave
others at liberty to do so too; a
privilege that was largely made use of
without pressing. I received and
I paid numberless visits; and as it is
easy to flatter one's self, I
fancied I might flatter myself that I
was regretted.
I left Madrid on the 24th of March,
after having had the honour of paying
my court to their Catholic Majesties all
the afternoon at the Racket
Court, they overwhelming me with
civilities, and begging me to take a
final adieu of them in their
apartments. I had devoted the last few
days
to the friends whom, during my short
stay of six months, I had made.
Whatever might be the joy and eagerness
I felt at the prospect of seeing
Madame de Saint-Simon and my Paris
friends again, I could not quit Spain
without feeling my heart moved, or
without regretting persons from whom I
had received so many marks of goodness,
and for whom, all I had seen of
the nation, had made me conceive esteem,
respect, and gratitude. I kept
up, for many years, a correspondence
with Grimaldo, while he lived, in
fact, and after his fall and disgrace,
which occurred long after my
departure, with more care and attention
than formerly. My attachment,
full of respect and gratitude for the
King and Queen of Spain, induced me
to do myself the honour of writing to
them on all occasions. They often
did me the honour to reply to me; and
always charged their new ministers
in France and the persons of
consideration who came there, to convey to
me the expression of their good feeling
for me.
After a journey without particular
incident, I embarked early one morning
upon the Garonne, and soon arrived at
Bordeaux. The jurats did me the
honour to ask, through Segur, the
under-mayor, at what time they might
come and salute me. I invited them to supper, and said to Segur
that
compliments would be best uttered glass
in hand. They came, therefore,
to supper, and appeared to me much
pleased with this civility: On the
morrow, the tide early carried me to
Blaye, the weather being most
delightful. I slept only one night there, and to save
time did not go to
Ruffec.
On the 13th of April, I arrived, about
five o'clock in the afternoon, at
Loches.
I slept there because I wished to write a volume of details to
the Duchesse de Beauvilliers, who was
six leagues off, at one of her
estates.
I sent my packet by an express, and in this manner I was able
to say what I liked to her without
fearing that the letter would be
opened.
On the morrow, the 14th, I arrived at
Etampes, where I slept, and the
15th, at ten o'clock in the morning, I
reached Chartres, where Madame de
Saint-Simon was to meet me, dine, and
sleep, so that we might have the
pleasure of opening our hearts to each
other, and of finding ourselves
together again in solitude and in
liberty, greater than could be looked
for in Paris during the first few days
of my return. The Duc d'Humieres
and Louville came with her. She arrived an hour after me, fixing herself
in the little chateau of the Marquis
d'Arpajan, who had lent it to her,
and where the day appeared to us very
short as well as the next morning,
the 16th of April.
To conclude the account of my journey,
let me say that I arrived in Paris
shortly after, and at once made the best
of my way to the Palais Royal,
where M. le Duc d'Orleans gave me a
sincere and friendly welcome.
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End of this Project Gutenberg Etext
Memoirs of Louis XIV. and The Regency,
v14, by the Duc de Saint-Simon
MEMOIRS OF LOUIS XIV AND HIS COURT AND OF THE REGENCY
BY THE DUKE OF
SAINT-SIMON